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Thursday, February 06, 2014

The Khan Sahib ministry dismissal By Yaqoob Khan BangashPublished: April 1, 2013 Ever since the dismissal of Dr Khan Sahib’s ministry on August 22, 1947, the incident has become a contentious public issue. While there is little disagreement among academic circles that the dismissal was ill-advised and set a wrong precedent — especially since the seminal work of Khalid bin Sayeed in the 1960s — public understanding and perception of the event remains murky and is often overtaken by people interested in sheer rhetoric and spin, and by anti-Pashtun racists. But let us look at the reality. In the provincial elections of 1946 in the erstwhile NWFP, the Congress won 19 Muslim seats and 11 non-Muslim seats. Its ally, the Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind won a further two seats. The Muslim League won 17 Muslim seats and the Akalis won one seat. Therefore, Khan Sahib, who not only had a clear majority in the assembly, but had also won more Muslim seats than the Muslim League, formed the government. While it is true that Khan Sahib put himself in a difficult moral position by stating that he will resign in the event of the Muslim League winning the Pakistan referendum, and then backtracked on it later, one must also remember that the Congress did indeed boycott the referendum. Therefore, leaving the fate of the ministry to the party, rather than his whim, is not as immoral as some have suggested. As a matter of fact, it might just be that the premier, rather than arbitrarily deciding the fate of the ministry, wanted the party which he represented to take a decision of this magnitude. Now to the dismissal itself: Jinnah had asked Lord Mountbatten to dismiss the Congress ministry in the NWFP before independence, but even though Mountbatten agreed, Westminster overruled him arguing that neither had the constitutional machinery of the province broken down, nor had the Congress party lost its majority in the legislature — hence the ministry remained. After independence, Jinnah instructed the governor, Sir George Cunningham, to dismiss the Congress ministry and replace it with a Muslim League one. Interestingly, section 51(5) (the section under which the ministry was dismissed) was inserted by Mountbatten on the advice of Jinnah to bring the governors clearly under the thumb of the governor general. Now, the supporters of the dismissal would argue that with independence, the 12 non-Muslim members of the assembly spontaneously combusted, which was verifiable in a mere week, and therefore, the Congress ministry had lost its majority. However, even without the 12 non-Muslim members being counted, the Congress still had 19 Muslim seats in a house of now 38, exactly 50 per cent, and with the Jamiat members, it had a clear majority. Therefore, the Congress was still not a minority, even if one accepts the highly tenuous argument that the non-Muslim members simply fled immediately and that it was verified, etc. and all legal procedures were followed to declare their seats empty. Furthermore, supporters of the dismissal would claim that the Muslim League did indeed prove its majority in the legislature. This is true, but this majority was only proven in March 1948 at the budget session, six months after the installation of the League ministry. Now, it is not hard to imagine how a party can manoeuvre a majority when it is given official support and six months to muster it. No wonder several Congress legislators defected to the Muslim League, in what we now call, “horse-trading”. In the end, I want to reiterate that I do not doubt that the Muslim League was, perhaps, more popular in the NWFP at that time, and that in time, a Muslim League ministry was inevitable. My only qualm is with the procedure which left a precedent. Let me end by quoting distinguished historian Khalid bin Sayeed on this: “Even if the League circles doubted the sincerity of Khan Sahib’s professions of loyalty, they could have asked the Frontier Provincial League leader, Qaiyum Khan, to produce a majority in the assembly and move a motion of no-confidence … Such a course of action would have clearly saved the central government from resorting to reserve powers and thereby creating a precedence … [It] was surely open to the central government to direct the governor to dissolve the provincial assembly and to hold fresh elections. The precedent of dismissing a ministry which had a majority and then commissioning another man to form a ministry in the hope that the latter would soon be in a position to produce a majority was bound to lead to political instability … .” Published in The Express Tribune, April 2nd, 2013.

Thursday, January 30, 2014

شارجه : د ادبي غونډي او مشاعرې راپور

شارجه : د ادبي غونډي او مشاعرې راپور - تاثر : زرین زاده یوسفزۍ تیره شپه ۳۰ جنورۍ پر ماښام د امارات پښتو ادبی ټولنې د سیورې لاندې د قا ضی منظور احمد ادبی حجره شارجه کې یوه لویه ادبی غونډه وشوه چې د شارجه ،دبۍ ، ابوظهبۍ ،راس الخیمه او فجیرې یو لوي شمیر مینه والو پکې په ډېره مینه او لیوالتیابرخه واخیسته... بیګانۍ غونډه د پښتو ژبې خوږ ژبې شاعر، پیژندلي نوم او په فکر پښتون شاعر خالد حسرت او د هغوې د ملګرو په درناوی او دهغوې د ادبی تنظیم په امارات پښتو ادبی ټولنه کې د ضم کولو په خوشالۍ جوړه شوې وه. وړومبۍ بر خه د خبرو او دویهمه برخه کې مشاعره وشوه چې پنځوسو نه زیات شاعرانو پکې خپل کلامونه واورول. اولنۍ بر خه کې د ټولنې یو مشر، لیکوال، ژورنالیست او سیاست پوهه نظار علی یوسفزي صیب خپلې خبرې وکړې .د چا چې په دې اتحاد او یو والی کې لوي لاس وو. زموږ یو بل مشر ، دروند پښتون جی لالا هم خپلې خبرې وکړې .د پښتون ویلفیر ټولنې صدر قیوم شام صیب ، میر حسن ،زرین زاده ایسفزي هم لنډې خبرې وکړې. ښکلې سړې ښائیسته شاعر ممتاز اورکزۍ د دې غونډې د نظامت چارې ترسره کولي. ممتاز اورکزۍ د هر شاعر بللو نه وړاندې د پښتو ژبې د نومیالو شا عرانو شعرونه ویل چې کوم د ملګرو د فکری او شعوری روزنې په خاطر ډیر ګټه ور وو. مشاعره کې د خپل زلمو شاعرانو فکري بلوغت او د پښتنو په خاوره روانو حالاتو په اړه د دوي ډیر اندېښمن فکر اظهار په نوی نسل کې د خپل قام ،خاورې او ژبې په حواله د دوې د شعور بیان هم وو ا و په دې هم دلیل وو چې زمونږ شاعرانو دخپلې برخې کردار لوبولو هڅې ګړندۍ کړي دي او دشعر له لارې د اولسي شعور په بې دارۍ کې خپله ونډه او ذمه داری هم پوره کوی د ټولو شاعرانو نومونه او شعر لیکل خو ممکن نه دی او د مشاعرې او غونډې راپور د کشر ظهور احمد په غاړه دې خو د قاضی منظور احمد په وینا دا څو کرښې لیکل واجب وو . د ټولنې مشر بشیر احمد بشیر ،زموږ د فکر ملګرې حسین احمد ندیم ، شاهد قماش ، عابد حمدان، معظم شاه، عيد ګل سائل ، روح الامين شاکر ، عامر حسبان، فرهاد يوسفزے، انعام بادشاه هلال ، قاصد مهمند، سيد حامد شاه باچا، سردار عالم سپرلے، سلمان شاه باچا، اختيار الله اورکزےش، ظهور احمد، آصف جنيد، انجم بنګش، صياد اورکزے، خالد خان حسرت، طالش رحمن، حاکم ځلاند، جوهر وزير، قاضي منظور احمد، حميد جان اورکزے، الفت اورکزے، ادريس ملنګ، محمد سليم مخلص، ابراهيم آرماني، شاکر خټک، محمد حيات، سردراز خان خټک او عاشق علي عاشق خپل شعرونه اورولې وو. شاعران ملګری د خاطر نه درناوی د ا څو شعرونه مې بس یاد وو ........ شاهد قماش: صاحب شاه صابر ته څه لیونی هوښیار سړی وو خو چا نه پیژندو زما صابر د کار سړی وو خو چا نه پیژندو هغه د دغه ښار په خلقو باندې ورک مئین وو هغه د دغه ښار سړی وو خو چا نه پیژندو د زړه په وینو ئې تازه کړل د سپرلی رنګونه د دې دوران فنکار سړی وو خو چا نه پیژندو هغه په زړه کښې وو غونډ کړی د جهان دردونه هغه په زړه بیمار سړی وو خو چا نه پیژندو شاهده نن ماښام دا یو جام د هغه په نامه د میخوارانو یار سړی وو خو چا نه پیژندو ---------------------------------------- روح الا مین شاکر یوسفزي په زړه کې مات ازغې ایستو له مې درمان پکار دې ملګرو خیال کې مو څوک نشته یو جانان پکار دې ما سره غم د غریبانو د کچه کوټو دې بیا چا جمات کې ویل دعا وکړۍ باران پکار دې -------------------------------------------- -- وطن ؛؛؛ عابد حمدان وطنه ستا په سیند می وژنی ستا په غر می وژنی ستا په سکنړی سکنړی ما ښام ستا په سحر می وژنی ګلاب ی بد په سترګو لګی هم ریدے شوکه وی هم چینارونه ماتوی هم په نختر می وژنی د سوات خایست ته ی کتلی نه شو ، او دی کتل ؟ له ملاکنډ می ورکه وی په پیښور می وژنی د خپل بابا جګه شمله ورته په ښپو کښی نه ږدم په دی مجرم یمه د دی ګناه په سر می وژنی خپله مو سیالو سره سیال کړو د هر چا په صف کښی لکه قدیر ګوریی په خپله خپل هنر می وژنی ظلم تر دی حده ـ حمدانه ـ نور به څه اووایم لکه صدام غوندی په ورځے د اختر می وژنی ------------------------- دا مشاعره د شپې درې بجې سر ته ورسیده.

Sunday, December 29, 2013

د پردی سړی تصویر

د پردی سړی تصویر شمو ترور چې څنګه د ډیډوۍ راښکاره شوه .. د بانو مور ورله منډه کړه او غیږ یې ترې چاپیر کړه او نیغ د کوټې مخامخ کټ ته یې ورسوله.. شمو ترور چې لګه دمه شوه نو په مخامخ دیوال زړوند تصویر ته یې پام شو.. د بانو مور ته یې ویل چې پښتانه خو به په دې ځینې خبرو بد ښکاریدل خو خداي خبر چې په اوسنو پښتنو څه وشول چې خپل تاریخ یې هیر کړلو ..... د بانو مور ورته ویل ترور پرون سکول کې استاذ ټولو ماشومانو ته دا سې تصویر ونه ورکړی وو چې کور یې زړوند کړۍ ځکه چې دې سړی وطن آزاد کړې وو. شمو ترور ورته ویل دا سړې څه د پیغمبر د زمانې نه دې چې د استاذ دروغ ومنم خو زموږ د وخت سړې دې او زه خبر یم چې کله د ازادۍ جنګ تود روان وو نو پښتنو او نورو قامونو چې د سپین پوستو پر ضد مبارزه کوله نو د پنجاب ټولو او د هند ځینې مشرانو د انګریزانو ملګرتیا کوله.. د وطن آزادۍ او د وطن ویش کې فرق دې.. دې سړی وطن د انګریزانو په مرسته ویشلې دې او خداي خدمتګارو .علماء هند اوکانګریس د انګریز نه په ګډه آزادی ګټلې ده.

پاكستان منم خو دا "منډل " پكښې نه منم

فیس بک کې د فیض ګدون لیکنه د لګ ډیر بدلون سره پاكستان منم خو دا "منډل " پكښې نه منم پاكستان كا مطلب كیا٬ لا اله الا الله په نعرو خو پاکستان جوړ شو خو اولنې /وړومبې مذهبی وزیر یو هندو اچهوت جوګندر نات منډل جوړ کړې شو... دا هغه ورځې وې چې په خداي خدمتګارو د ریاست له خوا د ظلمونو او جبر انتها وکړې شوه. مولانا امير محمد ترخوي چې لوئۍ ديني عالم او د باچا خان د لارې کلک ملګرې وو ، ډپټي كمشنر راوغوښتو او پوښتنه ئې ترې وكړه چې مولانا صاحب ما اورېدلي دي چې ته پاكستان نه منې نو مولانا صیب ورته جواب کې وویل پاكستان منم خو دا "منډل" پكښې نه منم.

Friday, August 26, 2011

Analysis: Another book to kill for? by Khaled Ahmed

Analysis: Another book to kill for? by Khaled Ahmed
Analysis: Another book to kill for? by Khaled Ahmed

Another bombshell will have to be endured by the national Taliban narrative with 'Taliban and anti-Taliban' by Farhat Taj (Cambridge Scholars Publishing 2011), a Research Fellow at Centre for Interdisciplinary Gender Research, University of Oslo, Norway, an MPhil in Gender and Development from the University of Bergen, Norway. The book demolishes some of the basic assumptions about terrorism in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and challenges several authors on their earlier findings.
Taj says her book is based on '2,000 face-to-face interviews, discussions and seminars with people across FATA and the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province for two years'. The interviews have been conducted with 'tribal leaders, leaders and volunteers of anti-Taliban lashkars, khasadars and officials recently retired from the political administrations in FATA, daily-wagers and jobless people, internally displaced people (IDPs) from FATA - displaced as a result of military operations in the area - and people hosting the IDPs in their houses on humanitarian grounds or tribal and kinship basis'.

Analysis: Another book to kill for? by Khaled Ahmed

Analysis: Another book to kill for? by Khaled Ahmed
Analysis: Another book to kill for? by Khaled Ahmed

Another bombshell will have to be endured by the national Taliban narrative with 'Taliban and anti-Taliban' by Farhat Taj (Cambridge Scholars Publishing 2011), a Research Fellow at Centre for Interdisciplinary Gender Research, University of Oslo, Norway, an MPhil in Gender and Development from the University of Bergen, Norway. The book demolishes some of the basic assumptions about terrorism in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and challenges several authors on their earlier findings.
Taj says her book is based on '2,000 face-to-face interviews, discussions and seminars with people across FATA and the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province for two years'. The interviews have been conducted with 'tribal leaders, leaders and volunteers of anti-Taliban lashkars, khasadars and officials recently retired from the political administrations in FATA, daily-wagers and jobless people, internally displaced people (IDPs) from FATA - displaced as a result of military operations in the area - and people hosting the IDPs in their houses on humanitarian grounds or tribal and kinship basis'.

The book seeks to establish that: 1) the Afghan Taliban plus Al Qaeda Arabs and Uzbeks and their local supporters were made to become dominant inside Pakistan under a considered policy by Pakistan Army; 2) local leadership opposed to them was allowed to be decimated and political agents were subordinated to the terrorists after the destruction of the local tribal jirga; 3) loyalty to the Taliban was obtained through intimidation allowed by Pakistan; 4) local lashkars willing to fight the terrorists were discouraged and allowed to be destroyed; 5) this was facilitated by 'peace treaties' between the Army and the Taliban; 6) there were no FC desertions and FC Pakhtuns felt no ethnic attachment with Taliban; 7) local marriages of Pakhtun girls to Arabs and Uzbeks remain unproven; 8) drone attacks by the CIA are popular with the local population; 9) Pakistan's pro-Taliban policy was a part of the 'strategic depth' Pakistan sought against India, aimed at controlling Afghanistan; and 10) Taliban attracted individuals of dubious moral character, joining terrorism with the criminal underworld.

Taj begins by asserting: 'Well-armed and battle hardened Al Qaeda terrorists never surrendered their weapons to the tribes in FATA. Instead they have overpowered the tribes and brutally killed those tribesmen who defied them. They entered Waziristan with full support and state consent and all the tribesmen who opposed their entry were killed with state collusion by the militants. Those that were left ran away or were overpowered by the militants covertly backed by the Pakistani state. If today the Pakistani state wants, no militants can ever stay in Waziristan or elsewhere in FATA' (p.3).

The nexus was old, going back to the days when Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and Ahmad Shah Massoud were trained in Frontier Corps and Special Services Group (p.7) against the Soviet Union, but it is difficult to say if Pakistan ever adequately controlled them or prevented them from controlling some of its own officers.
This arrangement began to be disturbed by the induction of the unmanned drone aircraft deployed by the CIA against the Taliban. The book quotes a 2009 Aryana Institute for Regional Research and advocacy (AIRRA) study that found the population favouring the drones eliminating terrorists who threatened their lives. The book refers to the Peshawar Declaration (December 2009) signed by 'political parties, including the ANP, civil society organisations, businessmen, doctors, lawyers, teachers, tribal labourers, and intellectuals of FATA and NWFP, following a grand tribal jirga in Peshawar'. It said: 'If the people of the war-affected areas are satisfied with any counter-militancy strategy, it is drone attacks that they support the most' (p.19).

The following year the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa ruling party, the ANP, went back on the Peshawar Declaration. The book gives the reason in a footnote: 'There have been life attempts on the top ANP Leader, Asfandyar Wali, and his sister. The only son of the ANP provincial minister, Mian Iftikhar, has been target-killed. Ajmal Khan, a close relative of Asfandyar Wali, has been kidnapped and is still in the custody of the militants. Most probably he would be killed if the ANP openly expressed support of the drone attacks'
Author Taj follows the spoor of one Karim Khan from North Waziristan who appeared on the TV channels swearing that he would sue the CIA in the US for killing his close relatives in a drone attack. Who was this Karim Khan? The book notes: 'Karim Khan was educated in Islamic Studies at the University of Peshawar in the 1990s. One of his (former) fellow university students describes him as a religious person with close links to the pro-military establishment and pro-Taliban JUIF during his time in the university. Some people in Waziristan describe him as a person very close to the political administration in North Waziristan as well as the ISI operatives' (p.21).

And the Karim Khan episode followed the November 2010 issuance from a US court summons to the ISI chief Ahmad Shuja Pasha causing the killing of Americans in the coordinated terrorist attacks on Mumbai in 2008 (p.25).

She agrees with Zahid Hussain, author of Scorpion's Tail, that it was the treaty signed by General Safdar Hussain with Nek Muhammad in 2004 which was responsible for all the jihadi terrorism that Pakistan was now experiencing. It left all the tribal elders at the mercy of militants as the militants were indirectly declared by the military establishment as politically legitimate to override the authority of the tribal leaders (p.37).

What did Nek Muhammad, the Wazir warrior, say at the ceremony which shows General Safdar Hussain, FATA secretary Brigadier Mehmood Shah and Nek Muhammad, in an ecstatic pose on the cover of the book? He said: 'Pakistan's authority has become a thing of the past; now the Taliban will rule' (p.67).

The collusion that followed disenchanted the local population: 'Tribesmen across FATA had learnt their lesson from Waziristan. They knew what happens when an area (Waziristan in this case) is taken over by the Taliban. One or more fake military operations follow, in which local civilians are killed and the Taliban are given safe passage during, or even before, the onset of the operations. Subsequently, there is a large scale human displacement from the area (p.37).

How were the tribes betrayed? Conversations showing local leaders talking against Taliban were taped: 'Within days after the meeting, sometimes even hours, the Taliban would confront the tribal leaders with their taped conversations with the authorities and warn them to prepare for death. The tribal leaders were bewildered. They were angry with the military authorities. Soon afterwards the Taliban or Al Qaeda would eliminate the tribal leaders' (p.64).

Taj mentions Ayaz Wazir who was our diplomat at Mazar-e-Sharif when the Taliban attacked it in 1998 and is an important commentator on the TV channels. Local people disclosed to her that 'tribal leaders, including Faridullah Khan, were eliminated at the behest of the ISI. They also opine that Ayaz Wazir would never show the courage to publicly point the finger at the real killers of his own brother; he is too afraid for his own life to do so' (p.73). Pro-Taliban generals included General Kayani, the current Chief of Army Staff of Pakistan, who imposed the deadly managed chaos on FATA (p.78).

Among the local tribal leaders who stood up to the Taliban was Mirza Alam Yargul Khel, a towering Wazir, who knew within minutes of sharing his views with an official that he would be killed. Knowing that martyrs' clothes are not changed before burial he went to the undertaker and told him not to change the clothes of his corpse. Within hours he was killed (p.88). He had told Governor NWFP Iftikhar that he would fight the Taliban even as the Governor was scared into silence by the Taliban commander, Javed Karmaz Khel.

Just as one is getting confused over the proof of a Taliban-ISI collusion, one comes across events that show that Pakistan periodically needs to eliminate its own proteges because of lack of obedience. Disobedience is rampant. Wazir Taliban leader Mullah Nazir refused to attack the Uzbeks. Punjabi Taliban - who contained also those looking like ISI officers - were equally vague in their subordination.

Incident: 'One Wazir interviewee once saw a Punjabi militant, whom he had seen many times in Wana, in full military uniform in Islamabad. The Wazir addressed him: "Are you the Talib from Wana?" The man, who was in a military vehicle, looked at the tribesman and immediately drove away. The tribesman was with a parliamentarian from Waziristan, who snubbed him for being too reckless. He told the tribesman that he must now pray for his life. The tribesman has lived in fear since then' (p.99).

The fate of lashkars has been hair-raising. The Ali Khels of Orakzai - the biggest tribe there - were forced into taking on the Taliban and were successful in getting the upper hand, but when the Political Agent told them they had been too harsh, they knew what was coming. The Ali Khel jirga was blown up with a suicide-bomber in October 2008, killing 50 Ali Khel tribal elders, and forcing the survivors to become IDPs. Sikhs and the Shia, left behind, now pay 'jazia' (p.137).

Farhat Taj is an Afridi from Darra Adam Khel and her field work tends to focus on Orakzai and South Waziristan in the neighbourhood of Darra. Her information has depth because of her outreach. For instance, she is able to say who among the Taliban commanders are given to pederasty (batcha-bazi). Her account of the Adeyzai anti-Taliban lashkar from near Peshawar is touching and brings out the anti-Taliban instinct among the Pakhtun.

Monday, August 22, 2011

Afrasiab for deliberations over new provinces

The NEWS , Saturday, August 20, 2011

PESHAWAR: Provincial President of the Awami National Party (ANP) Senator Afrasiab Khattak has said the demand for the new provinces must be based on solid reasons, logic and rationale.

“The issue should be deliberated as was done by the political parties on the question of the provincial autonomy. No decision should be taken in haste and all the stakeholders must be taken on board to develop a consensus on creation of new provinces,” he said while talking to The News.

The ANP senator said gone were the days when people demanding provincial autonomy or separate province were dubbed as traitors. “People are witness to the fact that 14 political parties agreed to the 18th Amendment and the federating units achieved their rights with consensus,” he reminded.

He opined that administrative, cultural and linguistic factors should be taken into account while creating new provinces. “Only administrative factor is not enough as there must be some rallying point for creation of new provinces,” he maintained.

The ANP leader advocated the merger of the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (Fata) with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. “People of Fata and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa share the same history, culture, language and geography. They are the same people and the inclusion of Fata into Khyber Pakhtunkhwa is a natural and pragmatic approach,” he argued.

Afrasiab Khattak said initially Fata should be given representation in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Assembly and then gradually with the consent of tribespeople it should be merged into Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. “The British separated Pakhtuns by dividing them in different administrative setups, which is not divine law and can be amended keeping in mind the needs of the time,” the Senator said.

Defending his point, he argued that in last 150 years the tribesmen and people of districts adjoining the tribal agencies had developed a strong bond. “Who can separate Bajaur from Jandool, Thall from Parachinar, Mohmand from Shabqadar, Hangu from Orakzai, Bannu from Miramshah, Tank from Waziristan,” he added.

Afrasiab Khattak said that geographical location of tribal agencies also supports their merger into Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. He added that many provincial government departments were also active in Fata.

The ANP provincial chief said it was quite strange that under One Unit the provincial assembly of West Pakistan in Lahore had representation of Fata while the provincial assembly that sits in Peshawar has no representation of tribal areas.

To a question, he said they were in contact with public representatives of Fata over the issue. However, he added, many of them don’t know the benefits of merger of Fata into Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Besides, the bureaucracy that ruled Fata since the formation of Pakistan was also not in favour of its merger with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa as such a move would deprive them of their fiefdom.

“After the extension of Political Parties Act, we have the legal right to access the Fata people and put the question of its merger with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa to the tribesmen,” the Senator said.

He said the ANP was the only political party that has been demanding new provinces on the basis of culture, nationality and history. Since 1986, he said, the ANP had treated the Seraiki belt as separate unit and not as part of Punjab. Similarly, he added, the ANP had a clear stand on the Pakhtuns living in Balochistan.

“The Pakhtuns of Balochistan should be given chance to merge with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa or have their own province. In the constitutional committee, the Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party presented the same options and the ANP supported its stance,” the ANP leader said.

About the demand to merge Dera Ismail Khan and Tank districts of KP with the proposed Seraiki province, Afrasiab Khattak said before demanding merger with a province the cultural and administrative realities should be assessed in depth.

“If political parties continue sloganeering and referring to history, then we can also demand merger of Mianwali and Attock districts with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa because both were part of the then NWFP before the One Unit,” he stressed.

He said politicians must exhibit maturity as such statements further complicate issues, he said without naming National Assembly Deputy Speaker Faisal Karim Kundi who has been vociferously calling for inclusion of Dera Ismail Khan and Tank districts of the KP in the proposed Seriakistan province.

About the Hazara province, he said while in principle one can agree with this demand as it was the right of the people, but in reality the case for Hazara province is very weak.

“They haven’t done homework and have no rationale. It is an emotional outburst expressed after renaming of the North West Frontier Province,” he said, adding that the supporters of Hazara province also failed to point out the issues they faced after renaming of the province.

“The people of the proposed Abaseen division in present-day Hazara are not in favour of a separate province. How can a province comprise just two or three districts? It is not a feasible idea,” he claimed.

Friday, August 12, 2011

ANP commemorates Babhara Martyrs Day Tauseef-ur-Rahman

ANP commemorates Babhara Martyrs Day
Saturday, August 13, 2011

PESHAWAR: The Awami National Party (ANP) on Friday commemorated Babhara Martyrs Day and paid rich tributes to those who laid down their lives for the Pakhtun rights on August 12, 1948.

The party organised Quran Khwani at the Bacha Khan Markaz, the party’s central secretariat, in Peshawar. Provincial leaders and a large number of party workers attended the event.

A ceremony was also held at Babhara village in Charsadda district where Senior Minister and ANP leader Bashir Bilour, adviser to chief minister Mukhtiar Khan, district organizer Khalid Khan, Chairman district development committee Qasim Khan and party workers placed floral wreaths on the monuments to the people slain in the firing incident.

Addressing the party workers, Bashir Bilour lauded the sacrifices of hundreds of Pakhtuns who were unarmed and were demanding release of their leaders arrested by the then provincial government led by Khan Abdul Qayyum Khan.

Attributing the recent achievements of the party to Babhara martyrs, Bashir Bilour said the ANP followed in the footsteps of the elders who struggled for the rights of the Pakhtun people. He termed the killing of Pakhtuns at Babhara a black chapter of Pakistan’s history, adding that the Pakhtun people would always condemn the incident. He said history was witness to the fact that ANP always strived for Pakhtuns’ rights through peaceful means and rendered many sacrifices for the cause.

He said due to acts of terrorism the Pakhtuns were faced with an undeclared world war in their land. “The price paid by Pakhtuns in recent war on terror will bear fruit and peace will be restored. The achievements of ANP in the last three years will usher in an era of progress and prosperity,” he stressed.

The ANP used to organize big public gathering on Babhara Martyrs Day. However, for last few years due to growing incidents of terrorism and attacks on the party leaders, ANP was restricted to placing floral wreath and organizing a symbolic gathering in Babhara village.

On August 12, 1948, the security forces had opened fire on a protest rally of Khudai Khidmatgars in Babhara village, resulting in the killing of more than 602 people and injuries to thousands men and women.

at 9:12 PM

د بابړې د شهیدانو په اړه د ډیوه ریډیو یو غوره پروګرام

د بابړې د شهیدانو په اړه د ډیوه ریډیو یو غوره پروګرام.

Dear Friends: The link above is about the show which on Deewa Radio on the massacre of Babara, then Pakistani security forces killed more than 650 people. It was August 12th, 1948. peaceful protesters demanding release of their leaders and asking the government to stop violence and dishonoring political workers. Listen to it and know about this day.

د شیرین یار یوسفزۍ کلاسیک غزل

د شیرین یار یوسفزۍ کلاسیک غزل

Rahman Baba

دا څه ملا ده باریک وضع
ﭼﯥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮی ﺩې ﻫﻢ ﮐﻤﺮ
ﺩﺍڅه ﺯړﻩ ﺩي ﺩﺧﻮﺑﺎﻧﻮ
ﭼﯥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﻡ ﺩې ﻫﻢ ﺣﺠﺮ
ﺩﺍ څه ﻳﺎﺭ ﺩي ﻧﻪ ﭘﻮﻫﻴږﻡ
ﭼﯥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻝ ﺩې ﻫﻢ ﺩﻟﺒﺮ
ﺩﺍ څه ﺑﺖ ﺩي ﺯﻣﺎ ﺭﺑﻪ
ﭼﯥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺖ ﺩي ﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﺮ
ﺩﺍ څه ﺷﻌﺮ ﺩﺭﺣﻤﺎﻥ ﺩي
ﭼﯥ ﻫﻢ ګنج ﺩی ﻫم هنر

Thursday, August 11, 2011

Ramadan Kareem روژه د ټولو نیکمرغه شه

روژه د ټولو نیکمرغه شه