CIA-ISI Jihadi “Frankenstein” Sows Chaos, Reaps Death
by Tom Burghardt / January 26th, 2009
With 180 girls’ schools torched since 2008 in Pakistan’s Swat Valley and some 900 indefinitely closed, the future for education for some 125,000 young women is under dire threat by the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP).
The latest bombings took place Monday in the district capital, Mingora, “once considered the safest place in Swat,” according to The Guardian. Five girls’ schools were leveled by TTP militants who last week decreed a permanent ban on education for girls.
In recent weeks, residents who have crossed the TTP have been strung-up from trees, beaten, or had their shops destroyed while markets have been ruled “no go” areas for women.
First mobilized during the 1980s by the CIA and Pakistan’s Inter Services Intelligence agency (ISI) as “plausibly deniable” assets to wage “holy war” against Afghanistan’s socialist government, organized crime and drug-linked jihadi groups now threaten Pakistan itself. Call it “blowback” on steroids.
As the Obama administration prepares to the double the size of U.S. forces in Afghanistan, attacks in Pakistan by the American-led NATO coalition will only accelerate the splintering of the nuclear-armed South Asian nation and fuel new attacks by international terrorist outfits such as “former” allies, the Afghan-Arab database of disposable intelligence assets known as al-Qaeda.
Amply warned by South Asian and Middle Eastern experts in the 1970s who predicted a slow-moving but inevitable catastrophe for the region, short-term Cold War “gains” against the Soviet adversary trumped long-term strategic planning which, if America were a sane country, would have worked to strengthen, rather than undermine, progressive regional forces.
Despite the inescapable conclusion that the CIA’s Islamist Frankenstein monster is running amok, one can only surmise that America’s corporatist masters continue to view religiously-inspired neofascists as a reliable auxiliary force to advance geopolitical goals against their capitalist rivals.
As I documented in “Unconventional Warfare in the 21st Century: U.S. Surrogates, Terrorists and Narcotraffickers,” (Antifascist Calling, December 19, 2008) despite the catastrophes wrought by American global gamesmanship, for United States Special Operations Command (USSOC) and the CIA, this disastrous paradigm is still fully operational.
Indeed a September 2008 USSOC planning document, first disclosed by Wikileaks, avers that unconventional warfare “must be conducted by, with, or through surrogates; and such surrogates must be irregular forces.” For the people of Pakistan, the “irregular forces” ranged against them are driving the country headlong over the edge of a precipice. Unfortunately however, this is not by accident.
As Swiss investigative journalist Richard Labévière wrote, describing Pakistan’s descent into chaos, “The Pakistani morass and its profound strategic implications for all of Central Asia have become one of the most alarming and chaotic scenes on the planet. As one of the most strategic areas of the next millennium slips into a criminal state, Uncle Sam looks on with cynicism (if not benevolence).”
Citing the confluence of interests amongst American corporate grifters and far-right Islamist terror networks, Labévière pointedly cites a top U.S. intelligence officials’ approval of the reactionary forces set in motion by America’s anti-Soviet Afghan gambit as a signpost for future destabilization campaigns:
“The policy of guiding the evolution of Islam and of helping them against our adversaries worked marvelously well in Afghanistan against the Red Army,” explains a former CIA analyst. “The same doctrines can still be used to destabilize what remains of Russian power, and especially to counter Chinese influence in Central Asia.” In a certain sense, the Cold War is still going on. For years Graham Fuller, former Deputy Director of the National Council on Intelligence at the CIA, has been talking up the “modernizing virtues” of the Islamists, insisting on their anti-Statist concept of the economy. Listening to him, you would almost take the Taleban and their Wahhabi allies for liberals. “Islam, in theory at least, is firmly anchored in the traditions of free trade and private enterprise,” wrote Fuller. “The prophet was a trader, as was his first wife. Islam does not glorify the State’s role in the economy.” (Richard Labévière, Dollars for Terror: The United States and Islam, New York: Algora Publishing, 2000, p. 6)
But inevitably, facts on the ground put paid the mad schemes of imperialist architects such as Graham Fuller and his acolytes. Fast forward a decade and it becomes all-too-painfully clear it is the Afghan and Pakistani people who are paying the price in blood for America’s bankrupt policies. Having armed, financed and provided an ample array of targets for “free trade liberals” such as the Taliban and al-Qaeda–subsisting on the illicit profits of the international narcotics trade and other dubious ventures–Yankee hubris, as historian Chalmers Johnson reminds us, has called forth the goddess of divine retribution, Nemesis, on all our heads.
Medievalism in Swat Valley: Pakistan, and America’s, Future?
While moves to impose sharia law on the Pakistani people through violence is the alleged intent of the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan and their al-Qaeda “brothers,” more mundane, though far-more worldly concerns motivate the jihadists: state power and the loot such a position would afford enterprising charlatans.
What better means than control–through fear–of a terrorized population forced to look the other way as a gang of “holy warriors” steal their resources and process heroin on an industrial scale while turning a quick profit in the bargain!
Investigative journalist Amir Mir, writing in the Lahore-based newspaper The News International reports that Around 10,000 TTP militants have been pitted against 15,000 Army troops since Oct 22, 2007, when the [Swat Valley military] operation was officially launched. Leading the charge against the Pakistan Army is Maulana Fazlullah, also known as Mullah Radio for the illegal FM radio channel he operates. Through his FM broadcasts, still operational despite being banned by the NWFP [North West Frontier Province] government, the firebrand keeps inspiring his followers to implement Shariah, fight the Army and establish his authority in the area.
Military authorities have repeatedly alleged that Fazlullah, who has thousands of armed supporters ready to challenge the security forces on his command, has close links with the Taliban and al-Qaeda operatives. The cleric has already become a household name in Swat, as his Shaheen Commando Force is destroying and occupying government buildings, blowing up police stations, bridges, basic health units and hotels and burning girls’ schools. (”Amid Rising TTP Gains, Army Adopts New Strategy,” The News International, January 21, 2009)
Since the military launched an offensive against the clericalist thugs, indiscriminate Army attacks against the civilian population have wrecked havoc. In addition to burning down nearly 200 girls’ schools, the TTP have torched 80 video shops, 22 barber shops and have destroyed some 20 bridges in the mountainous region. Mir reports the TTP have carried out some 165 bomb attacks against security forces, including 17 suicide bombings and increasingly sophisticated remote-controlled IED attacks.
So serious has the situation grown in the Swat Valley, that 800 provincial police, half the stated total according to The News International, have either deserted or left the area under pretext of going on “extended leave.” Other observers contend that the TTP and the Army are collaborating together.
Local politicians who have fled the valley claim that “elements of the military and the militants appear to be acting together.” Bushra Gohara, the Vice-President of the Awami National Party told The Independent on Sunday, “Even if they are not, there needs to be a complete review of the military’s strategy.”
“The suspicion of collusion, said a local government official in the largest town, Mingora,” according to the IoS, “is based on the proximity of army and Taliban checkposts, each ‘a mile away from the other’.”
Reports indicate that Fazlullah’s militia now effectively controls the Swat Valley. “Under these circumstances,” Mir writes, “the state writ has shrunk from Swat’s 5,337 square kilometres to the limits of its regional Mingora headquarters, which is a city of just 36 square kilometres.”
In Mingora itself, once a prosperous urban hub that thrived on the tourist trade, the nature of the crisis can be gauged by the number of bodies that appear each morning after a night of terror. According to Mir, shopkeepers are now finding “four or five dead bodies hung over the poles or trees.”
Unsurprisingly, it is the civilian population who have suffered the worst depredations of the TTP and the Pakistani Army. Hemmed-in on all sides, a military spokesperson conceded that a third of the population has fled the area since the Army launched its offensive.
Creating a dual-power situation as the state’s hold in the area shrinks, some “70 Taliban courts are now ruling on hundreds of cases of ‘immoral activity’ every week,” The Sunday Times reported.
Fueled by the repressive Saudi-inspired Wahhabi doctrine that fired the Afghan mujahedin during America’s anti-Soviet Cold War “jihad,” the TTP have embarked on a rule-by-fear strategy that seeks to impose “Sharia law” on an unwilling–and unarmed–population, as part of its long-term strategy to seize state power.
As in Afghanistan under the Taliban however, it is women who face the harshest sanctions by the jihadi thugs. The refusal to wear a veil or dancing in public are “offenses” punishable by death. The Sunday Times averred,
The emergence of a parallel Taliban legal system has a sinister objective. “This is our first step towards the implementation of sharia in Swat,” said Muslim Khan, a Taliban spokesman. In the next phase, Khan said, the courts would begin to carry out harsher punishments, such as execution or chopping off hands.
Villagers said the Taliban were already killing people who defied their orders. “They didn’t even spare barbers and women coming out of markets without wearing their veils,” said a Mingora resident.
There have been 51 Taliban executions since the start of the year, he added. The victims include politicians, security men, dancers, prostitutes and shopkeepers selling alcohol. (Daud Khattak, “Taliban’s deadly ‘justice’ cows Pakistan,” The Sunday Times, January 18, 2009)
Ominously, Fazlullah’s state within a state is not staffed primarily by madrassa-educated cannon-fodder, but draw on a surplus of former Army and intelligence officers to fill the ranks, raising suspicions that the TTP enjoys powerful backing from ruling elites.
According to Mir, the Tehrik-i-Nifaz-i-Shariat-i-Mohammadi (TNSM) and TTP are composed of two Shuras, or councils. One is the Ulema Shura that advises the group on “religious polices,” while the Executive Shura, “is the highest policy-making organ of the TNSM, which has a large number of ex-servicemen, including retired commissioned officers, as its members.”
Since 9/11, under intense pressure by their American “allies” in the “war on terror,” the Army and ISI have been partially purged by military and political elites who rule the roost. However, disaffected ISI cadre who never endorsed former President-General Pervez Musharraf’s half-hearted–some would say, deceitful–”break” with the Army’s own creation, the Taliban, continue to sponsor retrograde jihadist outfits.
Still allied with the Taliban, al-Qaeda and home-grown terror groups such as Lashkar-e-Toiba (LET) and Jaish-e-Mohammed (JEM), elements burrowed deep within the state, including prominent former generals closely associated with former dictator, General Zia ul-Haq and the CIA, are actively conspiring to destabilize the civilian government.
Indeed, last November’s terrorist assault on Mumbai, a joint venture amongst disaffected elements of the security/intelligence apparatus, LET and organized crime-linked assets such as Dawood Ibrahim’s D-Company, was a shot across the bow of President Asif Ali Zadari’s administration meant to further polarize the country and sow doubt amongst ruling class elites as to the efficacy of civilian rule.
Staggering from crisis to crisis, under heavy pressure from imperialism to “show results” for the billions of dollars in “aid” showered on the military by Washington, time is running out as the jihadi Frankenstein flexes its muscles.
From the Lal Masjid Siege to the Bhutto Assassination
Fazlullah’s rise, and the TTP’s assault on the people of the Swat Valley, can be directly linked to the fall-out from the July 2007 Red Mosque siege.
When the Red Mosque (Lal Masjid) controversy exploded, the state was forced, though some would say dragged kicking and screaming, to act against brothers Abdul Aziz and Abdul Rashid Ghazi, the al-Qaeda-linked leaders of the Mosque.
It wasn’t always that way. Since its founding in 1965 in Pakistan’s capital, Islamabad, the Red Mosque enjoyed patronage from influential members of the government, primes ministers, army chiefs and presidents, according to BBC News.
During the anti-Soviet Afghan jihad, the Red Mosque played a prominent role in the recruitment and training of fighters and was supported handsomely by the ISI when the Taliban was launched in Afghanistan in the mid-1990s. During the 2001 invasion and occupation of Afghanistan, many Red Mosque fighters were captured or killed by U.S. forces and Northern Alliance militia fighters.
In other words, high state officials, including intelligence chieftains such as Hamid Gul and Mahmoud Ahmad were staunch backers of the Ghazi brothers, hard-line advocates of dictator General Zia ul-Haq’s program to “Islamize” Pakistani society come hell or high water. In this bankrupt project to destroy what little remained of Pakistani democracy and civil society, Zia and his retinue of Islamist generals were generously supported by the United States.
Former ISI General Hamid Gul told Asia Times, “It is a pity that our army was preparing youths to seize Lal Qala [the Red Fort of Delhi] and they ended up seizing the Lal Masjid.” According to a recent report in The News International, Gul is now wanted by the U.S. “charged … with providing financial assistance to Kabul-based criminal groups and involvement in spotting, assessing, recruiting and training young men from seminaries,” as well as accusations that the ex-general has been “assisting the Taliban and al-Qaeda fighters in developing high-tech weapons.”
Gun battles erupted in 2007 after gangs of burqa-clad seminary students occupied a children’s library, kidnapped a group of Chinese women accused of being “prostitutes,” and after repeated forays into surrounding commercial districts trashed CD shops accused of selling “pornography.” But when the “students” demanded strict enforcement of sharia law, the state’s hand was forced.
When police failed to stamp-out the mini-rebellion in the nation’s capital, the Army was brought in. By the time the smoke cleared, Abdul Ghazi had been killed and his brother Abdul Aziz was arrested after attempting to flee the scene dressed in a woman’s burqa, sparking outrage amongst the fundamentalists and former high-ranking intelligence officials. Conflicting reports claim that anywhere between 200 and 1,000 people lost their lives during the siege. In the aftermath, according to multiple press reports, a huge arms’ cache was recovered, including stocks of AK-47 rifles and grenade launchers.
After the raid, Fazlullah joined forces with TTP and Pakistani al-Qaeda “emir” Baitullah Mehsud, “in a bid to provide an umbrella to all insurgent movements operating in several tribal agencies and settled areas of the NWFP,” according to journalist Amir Mir.
Scant months after the Lal Masjid affair and in the midst of tumultuous nation-wide demonstrations by tens of thousands of democracy activists, including lawyers and left-wing labor militants demanding the restoration of Supreme Court Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudry, sacked by the Musharraf regime after ordering the government to account for Pakistan’s “disappeared,” Benazir Bhutto was murdered in Rawalpindi.
In the aftermath of Bhutto’s December 27, 2007 assassination, state officials alleged that Mehsud claimed responsibility for her murder, a claim he denied. The “targeted killing” of Pakistan’s most popular political figure followed on the heels of the October 2007 Karachi bombing that killed 150 of Bhutto’s supporters when she returned home from exile.
The official story has undergone several contradictory metamorphoses. Shortly after Bhutto’s murder it was alleged that Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LEJ), another banned terror group linked to al-Qaeda, were the reputed authors. The story then changed and al-Qaeda commander Mustafa Abu al-Yazid claimed responsibility, telling Asia Times, “We terminated the most precious American asset which vowed to defeat the mujahideen.” Many analysts believe these serial fabrications by the government were meant to muddy the waters and conceal the true architects of the attacks.
In a letter to Musharraf before her murder, published by the Karachi-based newspaper Dawn, Bhutto named four persons involved in an alleged plot to kill her: Intelligence Bureau (IB) Chief Ijaz Shah, former chief minister of Punjab Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi, former chief minister of Sindh Arbab Ghulam Rahim, and the former ISI chief, Hamid Gul. All are prominent pro-Islamist figures within the intelligence and security establishment who favored a continuation of Pakistan’s policy of fielding terrorist proxy armies.
While first claiming that Bhutto was killed when she struck her head on the latch of her SUV sunroof fracturing her skull as the result of a suicide bomb blast, video footage surfaced showing a gunman firing several shots at the popular politician prior to the bomb’s detonation. This would increase the likelihood that the suicide bomber’s actual target was the gunman and therefore, part of a clean-up operation meant to conceal the identities of those who ghostwrote the Bhutto assassination script.
However, conflicting claims of responsibility, the hasty manner in which the security services removed all traces of forensic evidence from the crime scene and threats by police and intelligence officials against physicians who examined Bhutto’s body, fueled speculation that Islamist elements within ISI and the Army–or the state itself–either manipulated the militants or carried out the terrorist outrages in a move to bolster Musharraf’s waning grip on power.
Though allegedly on the outs with the clericalists, Musharraf was a staunch supporter of the Army’s policy of fielding “irregular forces” comprised of far-right thugs such as Lashkar or the virulently anti-Shia communalist group Sipah-e-Sahaba (SSP) to carry out “plausibly deniable” strikes against India or internal left-wing political opponents.
Originally founded in 1985 at the behest of dictator General Zia ul-Haq to liquidate secular and leftist forces opposed to his moves to “Islamize” Pakistani society with the blessings of the CIA, the SSP was “banned” in 2002 but quickly regrouped under the banner of Millat-e-Islamia. Ramzi Yousef, the mastermind of the first World Trade Center bombing in 1993 was an SSP member as was his uncle, the al-Qaeda operative and alleged architect of the 9/11 attack, Khalid Sheikh Mohammed.
Echoes of the Lal Masjid affair continue to reverberate. On September 21, 2008 a massive truck bomb was detonated outside the Marriot Hotel in downtown Islamabad, killing 60 and wounding some 260 people, virtually obliterating the five-star hotel. Some 700 Pakistanis had gathered to break the daily Ramadan fast. If the bomber had managed to drive the truck into the lobby, the toll would have been far higher.
The conclusion drawn was bleak: if the Marriot could be hit in one of the most secure and upscale neighborhoods in the heart of Pakistan’s capital, then no one was safe. It was feared that the bombers’ intent was to destabilize and possibly spark an Army coup against the first civilian government in nine years.
With little to hope for from the Army and ISI, President Asif Ali Zadari has expanded the civilian-led Special Investigations Group (SIG), a distinct antiterrorist branch of the Federal Investigations Agency (FIA), The Guardian reported earlier this month. The SIG had languished under Musharraf. According to investigative journalists Adrian Levy and Catherine Scott Clark,
On December 14, the British PM flew to Islamabad to announce a £6m “pact against terror”, saying he wanted to “remove the chain” that led from the mountains of Pakistan to the streets of Britain. A significant part of the funding was intended for the SIG currently a tight-knit cell of 37 full-time specialists that was to be expanded into a 300-strong force with an investigation division, an armed wing, an intelligence department and a research section. In return, Britain asked for access to the SIG’s raw data and captured extremists who might illuminate British plots. (”On the Trail of Pakistan’s Taliban,” The Guardian, 10 January 2009)
The need for security would indeed be high. On March 11, 2008, the anniversary of the Madrid transport attacks, a suicide bomber struck the SIG’s provincial office in Lahore, killing 25 people, including 13 officers. Tariq Pervez, the SIG’s head told The Guardian that since the end of 2007, “suicide strikes from this region had killed 597 security force personnel and 1,523 civilians, including Benazir Bhutto on December 27.”
Despite attempts to recruit–or co-opt–poverty-stricken, often unwilling young members of TNSM/TTP head-honcho Baitullah Mehsud’s extended clan in Waziristan for use as cannon-fodder, Pervez told The Guardian its a hard sell given Mehsud’s brutal methods of dealing with those who oppose him.
Indeed, according to Pakistani journalist Ahmed Rashid, when 600 tribal elders spoke out against the TNSM/TTP in 2005, Mehsud had each of them sent a needle, black thread and 1,000 rupees with which to buy some cloth to stitch their own funeral shrouds: all of them were subsequently murdered.
The situation has deteriorated to such a degree for U.S./NATO “coalition” forces that America’s main supply route into Afghanistan from western Pakistan’s tribal belt, that the military “has obtained permission to move troop supplies through Russia and Central Asia, Gen. David H. Petraeus, the top American commander in the Middle East, said on Tuesday,” according to The New York Times.
In December, hundreds of NATO supply trucks were torched in Peshawar by Taliban, TTP and al-Qaeda fighters and Pakistani truck drivers are now refusing to drive along the supply route.
Frankenstein Turns on its Master: “Round Up the Usual Suspects!”
The alliance forged in the wake of the Lal Masjid siege and the Bhutto assassination amongst forces loyal to Maulana Fazlullah and Baitullah Mehsud’s TTP, Mullah Mohammed Omar’s Afghan Taliban and Osama bin Laden’s Afghan-Arab database, al-Qaeda, are chickens that have come home to roost for U.S. imperialism. But it is the people of Afghanistan and Pakistan who are paying the price.
Despite the grave threats to the people of Central, South Asia and the Middle East posed by a resurgence of far-right fundamentalism sponsored by the United States, Washington still continues to view Islamist terror and organized crime-linked networks such as al-Qaeda and their related complex of jihadi groups as “off-the-shelf,” plausibly deniable intelligence assets.
Notwithstanding the severe global capitalist economic meltdown, geopolitical expansion into regions of strategic and economic interest to the United States is a top priority of the Obama administration. A central pillar of the American policy despite “regime change” in Washington, is the destabilization of Iran. As Seymour Hersh reported, the U.S. via their ISI and Saudi “allies” are arming and financing Pakistani-based jihadi groups such as Jundullah to target Iran.
The Administration may have been willing to rely on dissident organizations in Iran even when there was reason to believe that the groups had operated against American interests in the past. The use of Baluchi elements, for example, is problematic, Robert Baer, a former C.I.A. clandestine officer who worked for nearly two decades in South Asia and the Middle East, told me. “The Baluchis are Sunni fundamentalists who hate the regime in Tehran, but you can also describe them as Al Qaeda,” Baer told me. “These are guys who cut off the heads of nonbelievers–in this case, it’s Shiite Iranians. The irony is that we’re once again working with Sunni fundamentalists, just as we did in Afghanistan in the nineteen-eighties.” Ramzi Yousef, who was convicted for his role in the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center, and Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, who is considered one of the leading planners of the September 11th attacks, are Baluchi Sunni fundamentalists.
One of the most active and violent anti-regime groups in Iran today is the Jundallah, also known as the Iranian People’s Resistance Movement, which describes itself as a resistance force fighting for the rights of Sunnis in Iran. “This is a vicious Salafi organization whose followers attended the same madrassas as the Taliban and Pakistani extremists,” [Vali] Nasr told me. “They are suspected of having links to Al Qaeda and they are also thought to be tied to the drug culture.” The Jundallah took responsibility for the bombing of a busload of Revolutionary Guard soldiers in February, 2007. At least eleven Guard members were killed. According to Baer and to press reports, the Jundallah is among the groups in Iran that are benefitting from U.S. support. (”Preparing the Battlefield,” The New Yorker, July 7, 2008)
While North American and European Muslim communities remain a target of repressive “counterterrorist” policies that demonize Muslims and Arabs as dangerous “others,” internal “enemies” and “usual suspects” to be preyed upon by police and intelligence agencies, real, not fictional, terrorist networks continue to operate, indeed thrive, with impunity. Here, as elsewhere, short-term tactical advantage over capitalist rivals trump democratic processes and economic well-being based on social justice.
As security analyst and historian, Nafeez Mosaddeq Ahmed documented in a Briefing Paper prepared for the British Parliament in the wake of al-Qaeda’s 2005 London transport attacks,
The government appears unable to fully extract itself from these strategic interests, continuing to tolerate Islamist extremist networks in the UK, including successor organizations to al-Muhajiroun, and showing an inexplicable unwillingness to investigate them; displaying ongoing reluctance to arrest and prosecute leading extremists despite abundant evidence of their incitement to terrorism, murder, violence and racial hatred (with serious action delayed until public pressure is brought to bear); and refusing to investigate key al-Qaeda affiliated terrorist suspects based or formerly based in the UK connected to 7/7 and other terrorist attacks. In this dire situation, proposing the extension of state power through yet further anti-terror legislation, as the Brown government is now doing, can never hope to contribute to real security. For in this context, such legislation not only fails to rectify the multiple failures of domestic and international security policy behind the paralysis of the British national security system; it simply lends unprecedented powers of social control to a paralysed system operating according to a defunct and dangerous intelligence paradigm. (Inside the Crevice: Islamist terror networks and the 7/7 intelligence failure, London: Institute for Policy Research and Development, August 2007)
Much the same can be said for the United States and its myopic “counterterrorist” policies that rely on the demonization of entire communities, driftnet surveillance of the population, the infiltration of provocateurs into antiwar, socialist and left-wing organizations with no demonstrable ties to international terrorism, and the induced climate of suspicion and fear that breed social paralysis in the face of grave, contemporaneous ruling class threats to democracy.
As a tsunami of Predator drones rain remote-controlled death on the people of Afghanistan and Pakistan, and as the Obama administration prepares a major military escalation in Central- and South Asia, girls’ schools continue to burn in the Swat Valley with matchbooks labeled “Made in the USA.”
Tom Burghardt is a researcher and activist based in the San Francisco Bay Area. In addition to publishing in Covert Action Quarterly and Global Research, an independent research and media group of writers, scholars, journalists and activists based in Montreal, his articles can be read on Dissident Voice, The Intelligence Daily and Pacific Free Press. He is the editor of Police State America: U.S. Military "Civil Disturbance" Planning, distributed by AK Press. Read other articles by Tom, or visit Tom's website.
This article was posted on Monday, January 26th, 2009 at 10:00am and is filed under Afghanistan, Empire, Imperialism, Pakistan, Terrorism. ShareThis
3 comments on this article so far ...
1. kahar said on January 27th, 2009 at 8:10am #
Good article.
It’s actually wrong to use the label “Salafi” for these psychos because it implies they are followers of Islam when it is easily proven by scholars that they are not, in fact more than that, where these Wahhabi/Zionist (saudi trained) terrorists operate such as in Iraq I have known people kidnapped by them to describe them as sleezy scum with a mocking regard for religion — they are simply playing a part they enjoy and get well paid for by the ruling government. And the Saudis and Israelis have their united destructive hand everywhere. It’s all about the total destruction of Islam
2. Tom Burghardt said on January 27th, 2009 at 3:37pm #
Thanks for your comments, Kahar.
I don’t presume to be an Islamic scholar, but during another period of activism I frequently came up-against their “cousins,” the theocratic Christian Right. If an analogy would be appropriate, the “American Taliban” have as much in common with the teachings of Jesus as the lunatics who behead and murder people do with the teachings of the Prophet. Needless to say, their Zionist counterparts, i.e., the fanatical “settlers” are in the same camp.
Its all about the loot and very little else…
3. kahar said on January 27th, 2009 at 6:41pm #
I’m not sure it’s just that, it’s also about demonisation of religion, destruction of culture, progress and a way of life and a love for ugliness and depravity and hatred.
Wahhabism was invented 250 years ago and its publicly declared enemy are all Muslims who reject it, hence you get the suicide bombers in Iraq (mostly found to be from saudi arabia), and, these vicious attacks on girls and schools in Pakistan. They are followers of their own invented craziness and hide behind the Salafi label, it’s a sick joke.
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Story of Swat Pakistan, a heaven turned into a hell
This is about Swat, a city of breathtaking natural beauty turned into a nightmere by those who use thename of Islam but all their actions are against Islam.
Interview with Afrasiab Khattak
We have reservations about the operation"
-- Afrasyab Khattak, Provincial President, ANP; peace envoy to the NWFP government
By Tauseef-ur-Rahman
The News on Sunday: Who are Taliban and what is their agenda in the Swat valley?
Afrasyab Khattak: The extremist insurgency in Swat is not an isolated phenomenon; it is connected with the militancy that has its bases in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (Fata). There is a very popular myth about former president, Gen Musharraf, taking an about-turn of sorts. If there was an about-turn, it was a double about-turn because the Taliban and Al-Qaeda operatives were allowed to enter Fata and set up bases for fighting from across the border. When the pressure on insurgents increased in southern and eastern Afghanistan, they started expanding their bases to acquire depth on east of Durand line. They had a plan to Talibanise the settled districts. Now it has emerged as a type of a parallel state with Waziristan as its capital. They chose Swat because it is a district situated in the north of the province and away from Waziristan so that it may not look like an expansion of Taliban's Emirate of Waziristan.
Secondly, connected with Shangla, it is a transit for 'Mujahideen' who want to come from Azad Kashmir to join fighting in the Kunar province of Afghanistan.
Thirdly, the sophisticated mind behind the apparently crude and primitive Taliban chose Swat because the absolutist feudal rule of Waali had succeeded in disintegrating tribal structure in Swat so that there is no tribal base for resisting the onslaught of neo-fascism that calls itself Taliban.
TNS: How do you see the present law and order situation in the valley?
AK: The problem was mishandled by the MMA government which allowed this monster of violence to grow without any hindrance. More regrettable was its refusal to recognise the existence of a developing insurgency spreading from Fata into Swat. So, there were no preparations on the counter insurgency front. There was no investment into building the civil security apparatus to meet the challenge of insurgency.
When the ANP-led government took power in April 2008, it was confronted by an ever strengthening extremists' insurgency without institutional preparation to meet the challenge.
TNS: Is your party satisfied with the military operation taking place in Swat?
AK: We have certain reservations about the military operation. The first operation that was launched in July 2007 was inconclusive. Taliban were chased out of the valley by the army and they took shelter in Peuchar and other camps in the mountains. But, their legacy - FM radio stations and heavy weapons - remained intact.
As for the second phase of the operation which started on July 29, 2008, it has been ineffective in the sense that Taliban's activity has increased both quantitatively and qualitatively in Swat. Since most of the operation has been carried out through long-range guns and air force, the collateral damage is quite high.
TNS: The Army holds ANP responsible for the regrouping of Taliban, thanks to the May-21 agreement with militants. What is your take on that?
AK: The agreement was very important as it politically exposed and isolated the militants. Had it not been for the Swat agreement there would be no popular resistance and uprising against Taliban in Dir, Buner and other districts of the province.
TNS: So, whose failure is it?
AK: We believe that the major cause of militancy and extremism in Fata and Pukhtunkhwa is the duality in our Afghan policy. We (Pakistan) pay lip service to peace in Afghanistan but we tolerate militants' sanctuaries in Fata.
TNS: How do you explain the refusal of 600 Elite Force to perform in Swat?
AK: There were mistakes committed in preparing this elite force. Most of them were earlier recruited to serve in their own districts but were suddenly asked to go into the troubled valley. These mistakes are being rectified and very soon a strong civilian security apparatus in Swat and the rest of the province will be put in place.
TNS: Police and other government officials are quitting their jobs in Swat. Comment.
AK: Actually, when the large-scale insurgency erupted, civil security apparatus was ill-prepared to meet it. We have to provide more resources for building a civil security apparatus to meet the challenge in coordination with traditional armed forces.
TNS: The chief minister and other ANP ministers have been talking about some good news to come in a couple of weeks. What could that possibly be?
AK: Naturally, we cannot put up with the status quo. We are working on a new political initiative to improve the situation, but it is rather premature to go into details at this point.
TNS: How will you respond to the hit list issued by the Swat militants?
AK: That is all rubbish. They are outlaws and fugitives. They have no legitimacy whatsoever. Instead, it is the government which will bring them to justice.
TNS: Where are the militants getting the financial support from?
AK: We believe Fazlullah is paying Rs 15,000 a month to about 10,000 people, apart from arms supply and other expenditures. There is a link between terrorism and drug trafficking, but we believe that the Arab money is still pouring in through Waziristan.
TNS: Do you think the Shariah Regulation will bring about an improvement in the situation?
AK: We have done our homework to address the concerns of the people and we shall make public our reform package of the judicial system to provide quick and inexpensive justice to the people of the Malakand division.
TNS: Don't you think this will encourage the people of other districts to make such a demand?
AK: No. In fact, Swat, Chitral and Malakand division have a particular history. They have been demanding it from the late 80s and 90s and the demand is limited to these areas because of its particular condition. I think in other settled districts the traditional system is well entrenched and accepted.
TNS: What future do you see of the Valley, in the context of its current security situation?
AK: The democratic government is determined to rectify the past mistakes, to defeat the insurgency and to carry forward the process of political integration and socio-political transformation. These goals can be achieved only through the unity and determination of both the state and the society.
-- Afrasyab Khattak, Provincial President, ANP; peace envoy to the NWFP government
By Tauseef-ur-Rahman
The News on Sunday: Who are Taliban and what is their agenda in the Swat valley?
Afrasyab Khattak: The extremist insurgency in Swat is not an isolated phenomenon; it is connected with the militancy that has its bases in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (Fata). There is a very popular myth about former president, Gen Musharraf, taking an about-turn of sorts. If there was an about-turn, it was a double about-turn because the Taliban and Al-Qaeda operatives were allowed to enter Fata and set up bases for fighting from across the border. When the pressure on insurgents increased in southern and eastern Afghanistan, they started expanding their bases to acquire depth on east of Durand line. They had a plan to Talibanise the settled districts. Now it has emerged as a type of a parallel state with Waziristan as its capital. They chose Swat because it is a district situated in the north of the province and away from Waziristan so that it may not look like an expansion of Taliban's Emirate of Waziristan.
Secondly, connected with Shangla, it is a transit for 'Mujahideen' who want to come from Azad Kashmir to join fighting in the Kunar province of Afghanistan.
Thirdly, the sophisticated mind behind the apparently crude and primitive Taliban chose Swat because the absolutist feudal rule of Waali had succeeded in disintegrating tribal structure in Swat so that there is no tribal base for resisting the onslaught of neo-fascism that calls itself Taliban.
TNS: How do you see the present law and order situation in the valley?
AK: The problem was mishandled by the MMA government which allowed this monster of violence to grow without any hindrance. More regrettable was its refusal to recognise the existence of a developing insurgency spreading from Fata into Swat. So, there were no preparations on the counter insurgency front. There was no investment into building the civil security apparatus to meet the challenge of insurgency.
When the ANP-led government took power in April 2008, it was confronted by an ever strengthening extremists' insurgency without institutional preparation to meet the challenge.
TNS: Is your party satisfied with the military operation taking place in Swat?
AK: We have certain reservations about the military operation. The first operation that was launched in July 2007 was inconclusive. Taliban were chased out of the valley by the army and they took shelter in Peuchar and other camps in the mountains. But, their legacy - FM radio stations and heavy weapons - remained intact.
As for the second phase of the operation which started on July 29, 2008, it has been ineffective in the sense that Taliban's activity has increased both quantitatively and qualitatively in Swat. Since most of the operation has been carried out through long-range guns and air force, the collateral damage is quite high.
TNS: The Army holds ANP responsible for the regrouping of Taliban, thanks to the May-21 agreement with militants. What is your take on that?
AK: The agreement was very important as it politically exposed and isolated the militants. Had it not been for the Swat agreement there would be no popular resistance and uprising against Taliban in Dir, Buner and other districts of the province.
TNS: So, whose failure is it?
AK: We believe that the major cause of militancy and extremism in Fata and Pukhtunkhwa is the duality in our Afghan policy. We (Pakistan) pay lip service to peace in Afghanistan but we tolerate militants' sanctuaries in Fata.
TNS: How do you explain the refusal of 600 Elite Force to perform in Swat?
AK: There were mistakes committed in preparing this elite force. Most of them were earlier recruited to serve in their own districts but were suddenly asked to go into the troubled valley. These mistakes are being rectified and very soon a strong civilian security apparatus in Swat and the rest of the province will be put in place.
TNS: Police and other government officials are quitting their jobs in Swat. Comment.
AK: Actually, when the large-scale insurgency erupted, civil security apparatus was ill-prepared to meet it. We have to provide more resources for building a civil security apparatus to meet the challenge in coordination with traditional armed forces.
TNS: The chief minister and other ANP ministers have been talking about some good news to come in a couple of weeks. What could that possibly be?
AK: Naturally, we cannot put up with the status quo. We are working on a new political initiative to improve the situation, but it is rather premature to go into details at this point.
TNS: How will you respond to the hit list issued by the Swat militants?
AK: That is all rubbish. They are outlaws and fugitives. They have no legitimacy whatsoever. Instead, it is the government which will bring them to justice.
TNS: Where are the militants getting the financial support from?
AK: We believe Fazlullah is paying Rs 15,000 a month to about 10,000 people, apart from arms supply and other expenditures. There is a link between terrorism and drug trafficking, but we believe that the Arab money is still pouring in through Waziristan.
TNS: Do you think the Shariah Regulation will bring about an improvement in the situation?
AK: We have done our homework to address the concerns of the people and we shall make public our reform package of the judicial system to provide quick and inexpensive justice to the people of the Malakand division.
TNS: Don't you think this will encourage the people of other districts to make such a demand?
AK: No. In fact, Swat, Chitral and Malakand division have a particular history. They have been demanding it from the late 80s and 90s and the demand is limited to these areas because of its particular condition. I think in other settled districts the traditional system is well entrenched and accepted.
TNS: What future do you see of the Valley, in the context of its current security situation?
AK: The democratic government is determined to rectify the past mistakes, to defeat the insurgency and to carry forward the process of political integration and socio-political transformation. These goals can be achieved only through the unity and determination of both the state and the society.
Emptied of its poetry - Swat: a laboratory for testing a bomb called ‘strategic depth à la religious bigotry’
Sunday, 1 February 2009
Emptied of its poetry - Swat: a laboratory for testing a bomb called ‘strategic depth à la religious bigotry’
Emptied of its poetry
By Shaheen Sardar Ali
‘Da Malakand da sar tootee wai, pa ohr sati wai Kho Tohmati na wai Mayana’
(Were that I could become a carefree parrot perched on the peak of the Malakand mountains … that angry flames would burn me…not this stigmatised betrayer of my people).
THIS impassioned cry of remorse exhorting release from the burden of having betrayed one’s people expressed in the tapa above, is one of the most haunting expressions of regret and guilt in Pushto poetry.
Part of a rich oral narrative, the poem records the battle of Malakand where local tribes fought to protect the homeland against the British colonisers. Sadly, as we all know, it is never in our power to turn back the clock of history. Confessions of betrayal, guilt, treachery, negligence and remorse often come too late and more often, never. The heart-wrenching plea of the betrayer, echoing in the wild olive groves of the Malakand mountains, may perhaps be a solitary one. Tales of betrayal spurred by greed for money, power and social status changing into deep regret, are few and far between.
Self-reflection, soul-searching and learning from our mistakes is not a common trait, least of all among those who have tasted the sumptuous and disgustingly lavish interiors of the corridors of power. Had that been an instinct, our history books would contain chapters on lessons learnt from the secession of East Pakistan, repetitive insurgency in Balochistan, successive military interventions to rule the country and causes leading thereto.
In these times of economic, political and ideological turmoil, our elected representatives would not have voted to enhance their emoluments when internally displaced people from Swat and Fata were dying of hunger, cold, and ill health, and shivering for their lives in tattered tents.
Had we learnt our lessons in honesty and sincerity, I would not be asking the question: when was the last time, if ever, that the president, PM, CM, governor et al visited this strife-torn valley to send a signal of solidarity to the people and the much-trumpeted ‘writ of government’? (One wonders why all the suicide bombings and rocket attacks in Iraq and Afghanistan failed to keep Messrs Blair and Bush from visiting their troops. Yet, our leaders, firm believers that life is in the hands of Allah and only He can give and take it away, shy away from visiting Swat and Fata, a part of their own country.)
I am particularly reminded of this tapa as I sit here trying to make sense of the tragedy, destruction and misery that has become Swat resulting from direct and indirect betrayal by those in positions of power and authority. Failing one’s people comes in a myriad shades and denominations. It includes what we ought to have done, could have done and would have done to address the situation but did not do. Sitting on the fence while people and country fall apart is just as culpable as actively contributing to the chaos and turmoil wrought on innocent people. Using Swat and Fata as examples for our foreign masters that if the dollars fail to come thick and fast a religious militant regime will gobble the country, is just as criminal, if not worse.
Why else do we waste precious time in endless meetings to discuss strategies while homes are destroyed, women, men and children killed, maimed and disabled for life. If our own homes were under fire, our own children killed, God forbid, or in danger of being taken away from us, would we sit in sarkari safe houses and engage in sagely analysis and hair-splitting about hidden foreign hands, monthly salaries of militants and the likely budget of their terrorist operations etc, but not do anything about it?
I am afraid I am not entirely convinced that our enemy is solely the so-called religious militant operating in the name of Islam. Multiple actors, state and non-state, are at play, taking advantage of a fearful, harassed, and insecure population that looks around and finds no presence of the state of Pakistan or any of its institutions of governance.
But now, our bleeding wounds and weeping eyes have washed the wool off our trusting gaze. We Swatis realise that we were chosen for destruction, not by any other but our very own, a laboratory for testing a bomb called ‘strategic depth à la religious bigotry’. The blatant lies fed by half-hearted minions declaring that ‘the government will not allow anyone to challenge its writ’; or the ridiculous statement ‘all girls’ schools in Swat will soon open’ add insult to injury. The deep anguish of betrayal by one’s own; abandonment by those towards whom thousands of tearful eyes looked for protection, is written large on the broken hearts and traumatised souls of the forsaken Swati, young and old, rich and poor, dead, dying or alive.
We ask: why would anyone want to blow up schools in Swat or anywhere else and who would be heartless and soulless enough to plunder the place and sell, brick by brick, the remains of those destroyed buildings? Who could be so brutal and savage as to chop off human heads and display them at crossroads, hanging from poles and in the streets?
Who would terrorise men, women and children forcing them to flee their homes and hearths, leaving them exposed and vulnerable to the biting cold winter? Who would be so callous as to ignore these travesties and pretend they are either not happening or present it simply as a grand and gory conspiracy against the democratically elected government of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and its elitist rulers? Who would ruthlessly brush aside the genocide of the Pakhtun nation by arguing that there were other more important calls on their time and attention … such as ‘buying’ and ‘selling’ people’s representatives, transferring civil servants to display control over governmental institutions not to mention juvenile acts of attempted government toppling?
In a coalition government of the ANP/PPP, who is it that chooses to spare leaders of one coalition partner while mercilessly killing leaders of the other. Why is it that those who decide to remain in Swat and brave the wrath of the destroyers, do not receive wholehearted army and government support to defend themselves and their homeland?
Perhaps we Swatis have to acquire the skill of raising our voices above the screaming sirens of ambulances carrying dead and dying people towards Saidu Hospital as well as the deafening sound of strafing, shelling and low-flying helicopters, in order to be heard in the corridors of power. Peshawar and Islamabad are simply too far away and our voices too feeble with fear, hunger and hurt pride and dignity. I wonder if many years later, will anyone ever muster the courage, dignity and honesty to recall their roles of commission and omission, wrench their trembling hands in agony and repeat, Da Malakand da sar tootee wai…… (Dawn)
The writer is a professor of law, University of Warwick, UK.
s.s.ali@warwick.ac.uk
Emptied of its poetry - Swat: a laboratory for testing a bomb called ‘strategic depth à la religious bigotry’
Emptied of its poetry
By Shaheen Sardar Ali
‘Da Malakand da sar tootee wai, pa ohr sati wai Kho Tohmati na wai Mayana’
(Were that I could become a carefree parrot perched on the peak of the Malakand mountains … that angry flames would burn me…not this stigmatised betrayer of my people).
THIS impassioned cry of remorse exhorting release from the burden of having betrayed one’s people expressed in the tapa above, is one of the most haunting expressions of regret and guilt in Pushto poetry.
Part of a rich oral narrative, the poem records the battle of Malakand where local tribes fought to protect the homeland against the British colonisers. Sadly, as we all know, it is never in our power to turn back the clock of history. Confessions of betrayal, guilt, treachery, negligence and remorse often come too late and more often, never. The heart-wrenching plea of the betrayer, echoing in the wild olive groves of the Malakand mountains, may perhaps be a solitary one. Tales of betrayal spurred by greed for money, power and social status changing into deep regret, are few and far between.
Self-reflection, soul-searching and learning from our mistakes is not a common trait, least of all among those who have tasted the sumptuous and disgustingly lavish interiors of the corridors of power. Had that been an instinct, our history books would contain chapters on lessons learnt from the secession of East Pakistan, repetitive insurgency in Balochistan, successive military interventions to rule the country and causes leading thereto.
In these times of economic, political and ideological turmoil, our elected representatives would not have voted to enhance their emoluments when internally displaced people from Swat and Fata were dying of hunger, cold, and ill health, and shivering for their lives in tattered tents.
Had we learnt our lessons in honesty and sincerity, I would not be asking the question: when was the last time, if ever, that the president, PM, CM, governor et al visited this strife-torn valley to send a signal of solidarity to the people and the much-trumpeted ‘writ of government’? (One wonders why all the suicide bombings and rocket attacks in Iraq and Afghanistan failed to keep Messrs Blair and Bush from visiting their troops. Yet, our leaders, firm believers that life is in the hands of Allah and only He can give and take it away, shy away from visiting Swat and Fata, a part of their own country.)
I am particularly reminded of this tapa as I sit here trying to make sense of the tragedy, destruction and misery that has become Swat resulting from direct and indirect betrayal by those in positions of power and authority. Failing one’s people comes in a myriad shades and denominations. It includes what we ought to have done, could have done and would have done to address the situation but did not do. Sitting on the fence while people and country fall apart is just as culpable as actively contributing to the chaos and turmoil wrought on innocent people. Using Swat and Fata as examples for our foreign masters that if the dollars fail to come thick and fast a religious militant regime will gobble the country, is just as criminal, if not worse.
Why else do we waste precious time in endless meetings to discuss strategies while homes are destroyed, women, men and children killed, maimed and disabled for life. If our own homes were under fire, our own children killed, God forbid, or in danger of being taken away from us, would we sit in sarkari safe houses and engage in sagely analysis and hair-splitting about hidden foreign hands, monthly salaries of militants and the likely budget of their terrorist operations etc, but not do anything about it?
I am afraid I am not entirely convinced that our enemy is solely the so-called religious militant operating in the name of Islam. Multiple actors, state and non-state, are at play, taking advantage of a fearful, harassed, and insecure population that looks around and finds no presence of the state of Pakistan or any of its institutions of governance.
But now, our bleeding wounds and weeping eyes have washed the wool off our trusting gaze. We Swatis realise that we were chosen for destruction, not by any other but our very own, a laboratory for testing a bomb called ‘strategic depth à la religious bigotry’. The blatant lies fed by half-hearted minions declaring that ‘the government will not allow anyone to challenge its writ’; or the ridiculous statement ‘all girls’ schools in Swat will soon open’ add insult to injury. The deep anguish of betrayal by one’s own; abandonment by those towards whom thousands of tearful eyes looked for protection, is written large on the broken hearts and traumatised souls of the forsaken Swati, young and old, rich and poor, dead, dying or alive.
We ask: why would anyone want to blow up schools in Swat or anywhere else and who would be heartless and soulless enough to plunder the place and sell, brick by brick, the remains of those destroyed buildings? Who could be so brutal and savage as to chop off human heads and display them at crossroads, hanging from poles and in the streets?
Who would terrorise men, women and children forcing them to flee their homes and hearths, leaving them exposed and vulnerable to the biting cold winter? Who would be so callous as to ignore these travesties and pretend they are either not happening or present it simply as a grand and gory conspiracy against the democratically elected government of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and its elitist rulers? Who would ruthlessly brush aside the genocide of the Pakhtun nation by arguing that there were other more important calls on their time and attention … such as ‘buying’ and ‘selling’ people’s representatives, transferring civil servants to display control over governmental institutions not to mention juvenile acts of attempted government toppling?
In a coalition government of the ANP/PPP, who is it that chooses to spare leaders of one coalition partner while mercilessly killing leaders of the other. Why is it that those who decide to remain in Swat and brave the wrath of the destroyers, do not receive wholehearted army and government support to defend themselves and their homeland?
Perhaps we Swatis have to acquire the skill of raising our voices above the screaming sirens of ambulances carrying dead and dying people towards Saidu Hospital as well as the deafening sound of strafing, shelling and low-flying helicopters, in order to be heard in the corridors of power. Peshawar and Islamabad are simply too far away and our voices too feeble with fear, hunger and hurt pride and dignity. I wonder if many years later, will anyone ever muster the courage, dignity and honesty to recall their roles of commission and omission, wrench their trembling hands in agony and repeat, Da Malakand da sar tootee wai…… (Dawn)
The writer is a professor of law, University of Warwick, UK.
s.s.ali@warwick.ac.uk
Tuesday, January 27, 2009
Remembering Khan Abdul Wali Khan
نازولي يادونه او وسوسې
ډاکټر خورشيد عالم
غني رښتيا وئيلي دي:
چغې وئي اجل ملا تۀ اورې کۀ نۀ اورې
تشه خاوره نۀ ده غني څنګه به شي خاورې
هم دغه ولي بابا ؤ... دا ئې درېم تلين دے... ښۀ د خاورې څلے وينم.. په تابوت کښې مې پټې سترګې ليدلے دے.. خو دې خپل فکر او ذهن له څۀ دارو وکړم چې قانع ئې کړم چې ولي بابا دې نړۍ کښې نشته. اندېښنې مې يوسي، د فکر په ټال راته ټالۍ راکړي لکه چې د ولي بابا سره د کور د زوړند بوټي لاندې ناست يم او هغه راته لګيا دے خبرې کوي. دغه فکر راته وائي کوهستانيه! په دومره ساده منطق نۀ پوهېږې چې "ولي" يو تن ؤ خو يو "فکر" هم ؤ. فکر چرته مري؟ زۀ ورسره په جنګ يم، نا نا زۀ د هغۀ اواز اورېدل غواړم،مودې شوې دي چې هغه زما د سر په وېښتو کښې لاس نۀ دے وهلے، زۀ ئې خوا ته نۀ يم نزدې کړے چې د خپل زړۀ ګرمي، د شاتو په شان خوږې او ژورې خبرې راته وکړي.
ګېنټه نۀ په ګېنټو. هغه چې د پښتون د مستقبل "خوش بين" ؤ، وايم چې زۀ ورته د وينو دا بهير وښيم او ورته ووايم چې ستا خوش بيني د وينو درياب لاهو کړه. زړۀ مې غواړي چې يو ځل بيا د لېونو په شان ولي باغ ته ننوتے او هغه اواز مې واورېدے. لېونيه! بيا څۀ دي؟ او ما د معمول مطابق ورته ووئيلے چې په مزغو کښې مې بيا ازغے انښتے دے وباسمه ئې کنه!! زۀ خو يو قامي تبليغي يم چې په خپله ازغے لرم نو په تبليغ به څۀ وکړم او هغه خواته نزدې کړے او په ګېنټو ئې د وخت، تاريخ په کړکېچونو پوهه کړے او اخر کښې مې ورسره جنګ وکړې او خفه ترې لاړې او سبا له د هغۀ استاذے راته ولاړ وے چې راشه بابا دې غواړي.
زمونږ هم څۀ عجيبه پيري او مريدي وه. پير به مريد پخلا کوو، نۀ پوهېږم چې هغه نازبردار ؤ او کۀ د فکري تړون کلک والے ؤ. زما جګړه هغه تل زما ناز ګڼلے دے او په بدل کښې ئې د مينې سره د علم او پوهې غټ پنډوکے راته په سر کړے دے... د کتابونو او نورو حوالو يو غټ فهرست... چې واخله ولوله.
راته به ئې وئيل د پښتنو دا عادت مۀ اخله چې په کتاب پېسې نۀ ورکوي چې پېسې ور نۀ کړې نو کتاب څوک نۀ ګوري، بدبختانه دا زمونږ قامي رنځ دے، کۀ هر څومره به بحث، تاريخي او دروند ؤ نو د خټک صېب خبره چې "ولي" محفل آرا دے، محفل له داسې رنګ ورکړي چې په چا بوج کېږي نۀ.
پښتنو د کتاب سره کومې ډزې کړې دي دا خبره به ئې ډېره په خوند کوله راته به ئې وئيل کوهستانيه! مونږ د هري پور جېل کښې وو، غني خان وې ما د علي خان کتاب لوستو، خدائي خدمتګار په بيګار لګيا وو يو شعر مې ډېر خوښ شو، شعر دا دے:
واوړېد علي خان په هسې شُوخو خُونه چوړو
وژلۀ ئې زده نۀ وو پرې ئې لور ولګوۀ
مطلب ئې ؤ چې په داسې ساده ګانو اوښتے يم چې په لور مې حلالوي، ټولو ته مې اواز ورکړو چې د علي خان بابا يو شعر واورئ، ډېر ښۀ دے، ټول راغونډ شول ډېر په غور ئې شعر واورېدو، ټول غلي وو، ناڅاپه يو خدائي خدمتګار ووې ښه خانه! دې بدبختو علي خان په لور حلال کړے ؤ؟
ولي بابا ته زۀ خټک بابا په 1965 کښې نزدې راوستم. دې شعوري نزديکت زۀ په 1972 کښې بابا ته دومره نزدې کړم چې د هغۀ يو خصوصي معاون يا سکتر شم، 1974 کښې بابا په اولني ځل ما سره د ولايت د کارلائل په ښار کښې اولنۍ ډېرې اوږدې خبرې وکړې او زۀ ئې د قامي او بېن الاقوامي سياست په راز رموز پوهه کړم. ما چې تر هغه وخته پورې څۀ ليکل کړي وو، د هغې کۀ هر څۀ معيار ؤ، خو ستائنه ئې وکړه، کارلائل ته خو د ډاکټر قاضي په بلنه راغلے ؤ، خو راته ئې ووئيل چې راشه خپل کور ته مې بوځه، څۀ سېل به هم وشي، خبرې به هم وکړو.
د ډاکټر قاضي په ذريعه باچا خان د کارلائل په هسپتال کښې داخل پاتې شوے ؤ، کارلائل د انګلېنډ او د سکاټ لېنډ په بريد واقع دے. په هسپتال کښې د سکاټ لېنډ ډاکټران ډېر وو او د باچاخان دپاره ئې ډېر عقيدت لرلو او دغه درناوے به ئې ولي بابا له هم ورکوو او ګو کۀ زۀ يو جونئير رجسټرار وم خو دې ډاکټرانو به زما هم ډېر خيال ساتلو او ټولو به ماته Afghan Lade (افغانے هلک) وئيل.
دغه زمونږ د فکري نزديکت اولنے ملاقات ؤ. په ولي بابا کښې يوه عظيمه خوبي دا وه چې هغۀ به نيت ته کتل د عمل غلطي کۀ به هر څومره غټه وه، هغه به ئې دومره وړه کړه چې سړے به حېران شو. بوټو خپل اصلي شکل ښودلے ؤ چې واقعي سويلين کم او مارشل اېډمنسټرېټر ډېر دے. په پښتنو بيا يوه نېزه نمر راښکته شوے ؤ. هم دغه ورځو کښې زمونږ ملګرو لويه کاميابي ترلاسه کړې وه، بوټو صېب ته د اکسفورډ يونيورسټۍ نه ورکړې شوې اعزازي Ph.D (پي اېچ ډي) واپس کړې شوې وه. د تجربې کمي وه دغې غټې کاميابۍ زمونږ سترګې پټې کړې وې، ما خپله مجله کښې يو داسې غلط او بې بنياده خبر چاپ کړو چې د موجوده مشر اسفنديار ولي خان او د نورو ملګرو په ګرفتارۍ او وهلو ټکولو تمام شو. د پارټۍ مشرانو ښۀ راښکودم، ګو کۀ رساله د پارټۍ نۀ وه، د پارټۍ اخبار ډېموکرېټک پاکستان ؤ، د ولي بابا سره د ملاوېدو نه ويرېدم او شرمېدم خو چې کله ورسره سکهر جېل کښې ميلاؤ شوم نو هغۀ دا لويه خبره دومره وړه کړه چې زۀ حېران شوم. په سياست کښې غلطيانې کېږي څۀ وشو کۀ اسفنديار جېل کښې شو، ځوان سړے دے، راخلاص به شي او فوري ئې په يو بل مهم ولېږلم. بايد دا تاثر ئې راکوو چې اعتماد دې نۀ دے بائللے. د هغه مشن نه چې واپس د کوئټې د ډاکټر ارباب يوسف (مرحوم) په ذريعه مې ملاقات وشو نو مسکے شو، راته ئې ووئيل خدائے بخښلي ولاړ دي، د مطلب خبره په لنډو وکړه او چې ما ورته ووئيل "بابا نور ملکونه پرېږده زمونږ بره خپل ورور مونږ استعمالوي خو مدعي مو نۀ ګڼي" وې وئيل "ښۀ وشو، په اول ځل مې رښتيا واورېدل".
د وخت سره ماته دا احساس کېدۀ چې د بابا نه سياسي غلطي کېدے شي، اخر انسان ؤ خو په علمي توګه دے چې څومره د زمکې د پاسه دے څو څو چنده په زمکه کښې دننه دے خو د هر کس کاسې ته ئې کتل او هغه هومره ئې ورته ځان څرګندوۀ. دا دعويٰ چرې نۀ شم کولے چې ما ته ئې ځان ټول څرګند کړے ؤ، دا به قطعي دروغ او ځان غټاوے وي خو چې څومره ئې راته ځان ښودلو، نو د بحر الکاهل نه ژور د علم يو درياب ؤ چې د سکندر مرزا نه راواخله تر بوټو پورې څومره سياست دانان ما اورېدلي او ليدلي وو دغه کښې سهروردي نۀ شم شاملولے ځکه د هغۀ يو تقرير مې اورېدلے ؤ او د هغۀ د دانش نۀ ډېر متاثر شوے وم. په ښکاره چې هغه کوم د امريکې وکالت کولو نو حېران ئې کړم. پاکستان کښې چرته داسې واکمن واک نۀ دے اخستے چې د امريکې ګوډاګے نۀ وي پاتې. خو چا دا زړۀ نۀ دے کړے چې يوې عامې جلسه کښې د امريکې وکالت وکړي.
د بابا انداز بيان داسې ؤ چې څوک به ورسره ميلاوېدو نو هم زما په شان تصور به ئې ځان سره راوړو.
حاضر جوابۍ کښې ئې هم د منطقي انداز لمن د لاسه نۀ پرېښوده او نۀ به ئې پُوچه خبره کوله په ولايت کښې ورله د سرحد آخري انګرېز ګورنر اولف کېرو ډوډۍ کړې وه، تپوس ئې ترې وکړو چې کۀ ستاسو صوبه سرحد کښې اوس بيا ريفرنډم وشي نو تاسو او مسلم ليګ کښې به ئې څوک ګټي، ولي بابا فوراً جواب ورکړو نۀ مونږه او نۀ مسلم ليګ، تۀ به ئې ګټې،خلق به درته وائي واپس راشئ.
دغسې په يوه بله موقعه بابا بولټن بلاک کښې داخل ؤ، جنرل فضل حق (مرحوم) ورله تپوس له راغے، د دوي خبرې وې، آخر ئې ترې تپوس وکړو، پيره! تۀ خو په دې صوبه د مارشل لاء د اېډمنسټرېتر، ګورنر او وزيراعليٰ په درې واړو حېثيتونو پاتې شوې، ستا څۀ خيال دے دا صوبه او د دې د اوسېدونکو حال به څنګه ښۀ شي؟ مرحوم فضل حق ورته ووې چې کۀ ماله څوک پوره اختيار راکړي دا به زۀ انګرېزانو له په اجاره ورکړم، بابا وخندل، وې وئيل پيره! زۀ خبر نۀ وم چې پاکستانے جرنېل هم رښتيا وئيلے شي!!
بايد چې دا خبرې ما چرته په خپل تير ليک کښې کړې وے خو دلته ئې بيا وئيل ضروري ګڼم ځکه د موجوده حالاتو حل پکښې هم دے. باچا خان بولټن بلاک کښې داخل ؤ، په برنډه کښې کټ کښې ناست ؤ، ناڅاپه ولي بابا راغے،ما نه ئې تپوس وکړو، کوهستانيه! څوک دي؟ ما وې بابا ولي خان دوي راغلل، هغه لا ناست نۀ ؤ چې باچا خان ترې تپوس وکړو، ولي! په دې پارټۍ څۀ وشو او ما اورېدلي دي چې تا عدم تشدد پرېښے دے؟ بابا ورته جواب کښې ووې پارټي خو ټيک ده، زما د عدم تشدد پرېښودو دا خبره چا غلطه کړې ده، زۀ خو د هر انسان سره تعلق په عدم تشدد ساتم. دا يو انساني خصلت دے خو کۀ يو سپے راباندې حمله وکړي، پرتوګ مې شلوي، شرموي مې، چک راباندې لګوي، پرهر کوي مې نو هغه د عدم تشدد حق نۀ لري، هغه تش په نوم سياست دانان او مفکرين چې دا وائي چې زمونږ په خاوره دا تپلے شوے جنګ زمونږ جنګ نۀ دے دا هغه کسان دي چې د بعضې الفاظو ئې ګوڼه (رڼه) کړې وي. د سياست سترګې ئې ړندې وي، نظر ئې د پوزې د سر نه لرې نۀ ځي، منطقي خبره خو دا ده چې کۀ د ګاونډي په کور اور ولګي او راځي زمونږ د کور برګو او چت ته راورسي خو مونږ به څادر له ټک ورکوو،خپل کور به په لمبو کښې پرېږدو، چې دا زمونږ د سر اور نۀ دے، د ګاونډي اور دے، دا منطق د پوهېدو نۀ دے.
دا خبره خو ولي بابا جنرل ضياءالحق ته کړې وه چې تاسو د ګاونډي په کور اور لګوئ نو زمونږ دا کور به څنګ بچ شي، کۀ تاسو هلته بارود لېږئ نو هغه خو به په ځواب کښې ګلدسته نۀ رالېږي، دې ته سياسي پختګي وائي چې څۀ لا شوي نۀ وي او سياست دان د هغې ادراک ولري.
دا لوبه چې شروع کېده نو ولي بابا په کوئټه کښې يوې جلسې ته ووې چې د پښتنو کور ته اور لګېدونکے دے، په پښتو کښې متل دے چې د کلي سويه د کلي په سپي نيوے شي، زۀ تاسو ته وايم چې راتلونکے امير د جماعت اسلامي به پښتون وي، هم هغسې وشوه او نورو مشرانو د فکر مودودي په نوم ځان له يو فارورډ بلاک جوړ کړو.
د ستر بابا (باچا خان) فلسفه، د ولي بابا سياست زمونږ د لوئے سفر اوراورکي دي، د اور اورکي رڼا د خپلې وينې نه وي.
اوس مونږ ته لږ ټکڼي کېدل پکار دي چې د خپل ځان تجزيه وکړو چې مونږ د هغوي د وينې د رڼا مستحق يُو.
زما په مالي او سياسي مستقبل بابا تل فکرمند ؤ، راته به ئې وئيل چې بدبخته! ګلالۍ راته وئيل چې بې هوشۍ کښې فيلوشپ ډېر ګران دے نو دومره ګران فيلوشپ دې په داسې معاشره کښې وکړو چې څوک ئې څۀ نۀ ګڼي، قومي سياست کښې دې لېونتوب ته راغلې چې خپل درله اهميت نۀ درکوي چې چرته د تلو نۀ دے او نور درپسې راځي نه چې د راتلو نۀ دے.
ما ووې چې تاسو ژوندي يئ نو مقتدي به يم، وې وئيل دغسې کوهستانيه! دا دې منم خو ويرېږم چې زما د مرګ نه وروستو دې سپي د اوښ په شا ونۀ خوري،ما وې جې! مرګ نۀ خلاصون نشته خو زۀ دا اورېدل نۀ غواړم. ايک معمر سياست دان انتقال فرماگئے. مسکے شو.
دا زما او د هغۀ اخري خبرې وې چې زۀ او د افغانستان سنګروال صاحب سره د دۀ د ليدو دپاره برمنګهم ته د پروين بي بي کور ته تللے وم، په دغه ورځ دۀ د يو امريکي وفد سره خبرې وې او ماته ئې څۀ وئيل غوښتل، ما سره هغه امانت تر دې امانت پروت دے، بايد چې دا موقعه هم په لاس راشي چې چا ته ئې حواله کړم خو د کور نه به ئې ګورته وړم.
د خبرو ئې څوک نشته غني ځان سره ګوڼېږي
لېونے ئې هله بولئ چې ئې وګورئ "جانان" ته
Also see:http://www.bbc.co.uk/urdu/pakistan/story/2006/01/060126_walikhan_ali.shtml
ډاکټر خورشيد عالم
غني رښتيا وئيلي دي:
چغې وئي اجل ملا تۀ اورې کۀ نۀ اورې
تشه خاوره نۀ ده غني څنګه به شي خاورې
هم دغه ولي بابا ؤ... دا ئې درېم تلين دے... ښۀ د خاورې څلے وينم.. په تابوت کښې مې پټې سترګې ليدلے دے.. خو دې خپل فکر او ذهن له څۀ دارو وکړم چې قانع ئې کړم چې ولي بابا دې نړۍ کښې نشته. اندېښنې مې يوسي، د فکر په ټال راته ټالۍ راکړي لکه چې د ولي بابا سره د کور د زوړند بوټي لاندې ناست يم او هغه راته لګيا دے خبرې کوي. دغه فکر راته وائي کوهستانيه! په دومره ساده منطق نۀ پوهېږې چې "ولي" يو تن ؤ خو يو "فکر" هم ؤ. فکر چرته مري؟ زۀ ورسره په جنګ يم، نا نا زۀ د هغۀ اواز اورېدل غواړم،مودې شوې دي چې هغه زما د سر په وېښتو کښې لاس نۀ دے وهلے، زۀ ئې خوا ته نۀ يم نزدې کړے چې د خپل زړۀ ګرمي، د شاتو په شان خوږې او ژورې خبرې راته وکړي.
ګېنټه نۀ په ګېنټو. هغه چې د پښتون د مستقبل "خوش بين" ؤ، وايم چې زۀ ورته د وينو دا بهير وښيم او ورته ووايم چې ستا خوش بيني د وينو درياب لاهو کړه. زړۀ مې غواړي چې يو ځل بيا د لېونو په شان ولي باغ ته ننوتے او هغه اواز مې واورېدے. لېونيه! بيا څۀ دي؟ او ما د معمول مطابق ورته ووئيلے چې په مزغو کښې مې بيا ازغے انښتے دے وباسمه ئې کنه!! زۀ خو يو قامي تبليغي يم چې په خپله ازغے لرم نو په تبليغ به څۀ وکړم او هغه خواته نزدې کړے او په ګېنټو ئې د وخت، تاريخ په کړکېچونو پوهه کړے او اخر کښې مې ورسره جنګ وکړې او خفه ترې لاړې او سبا له د هغۀ استاذے راته ولاړ وے چې راشه بابا دې غواړي.
زمونږ هم څۀ عجيبه پيري او مريدي وه. پير به مريد پخلا کوو، نۀ پوهېږم چې هغه نازبردار ؤ او کۀ د فکري تړون کلک والے ؤ. زما جګړه هغه تل زما ناز ګڼلے دے او په بدل کښې ئې د مينې سره د علم او پوهې غټ پنډوکے راته په سر کړے دے... د کتابونو او نورو حوالو يو غټ فهرست... چې واخله ولوله.
راته به ئې وئيل د پښتنو دا عادت مۀ اخله چې په کتاب پېسې نۀ ورکوي چې پېسې ور نۀ کړې نو کتاب څوک نۀ ګوري، بدبختانه دا زمونږ قامي رنځ دے، کۀ هر څومره به بحث، تاريخي او دروند ؤ نو د خټک صېب خبره چې "ولي" محفل آرا دے، محفل له داسې رنګ ورکړي چې په چا بوج کېږي نۀ.
پښتنو د کتاب سره کومې ډزې کړې دي دا خبره به ئې ډېره په خوند کوله راته به ئې وئيل کوهستانيه! مونږ د هري پور جېل کښې وو، غني خان وې ما د علي خان کتاب لوستو، خدائي خدمتګار په بيګار لګيا وو يو شعر مې ډېر خوښ شو، شعر دا دے:
واوړېد علي خان په هسې شُوخو خُونه چوړو
وژلۀ ئې زده نۀ وو پرې ئې لور ولګوۀ
مطلب ئې ؤ چې په داسې ساده ګانو اوښتے يم چې په لور مې حلالوي، ټولو ته مې اواز ورکړو چې د علي خان بابا يو شعر واورئ، ډېر ښۀ دے، ټول راغونډ شول ډېر په غور ئې شعر واورېدو، ټول غلي وو، ناڅاپه يو خدائي خدمتګار ووې ښه خانه! دې بدبختو علي خان په لور حلال کړے ؤ؟
ولي بابا ته زۀ خټک بابا په 1965 کښې نزدې راوستم. دې شعوري نزديکت زۀ په 1972 کښې بابا ته دومره نزدې کړم چې د هغۀ يو خصوصي معاون يا سکتر شم، 1974 کښې بابا په اولني ځل ما سره د ولايت د کارلائل په ښار کښې اولنۍ ډېرې اوږدې خبرې وکړې او زۀ ئې د قامي او بېن الاقوامي سياست په راز رموز پوهه کړم. ما چې تر هغه وخته پورې څۀ ليکل کړي وو، د هغې کۀ هر څۀ معيار ؤ، خو ستائنه ئې وکړه، کارلائل ته خو د ډاکټر قاضي په بلنه راغلے ؤ، خو راته ئې ووئيل چې راشه خپل کور ته مې بوځه، څۀ سېل به هم وشي، خبرې به هم وکړو.
د ډاکټر قاضي په ذريعه باچا خان د کارلائل په هسپتال کښې داخل پاتې شوے ؤ، کارلائل د انګلېنډ او د سکاټ لېنډ په بريد واقع دے. په هسپتال کښې د سکاټ لېنډ ډاکټران ډېر وو او د باچاخان دپاره ئې ډېر عقيدت لرلو او دغه درناوے به ئې ولي بابا له هم ورکوو او ګو کۀ زۀ يو جونئير رجسټرار وم خو دې ډاکټرانو به زما هم ډېر خيال ساتلو او ټولو به ماته Afghan Lade (افغانے هلک) وئيل.
دغه زمونږ د فکري نزديکت اولنے ملاقات ؤ. په ولي بابا کښې يوه عظيمه خوبي دا وه چې هغۀ به نيت ته کتل د عمل غلطي کۀ به هر څومره غټه وه، هغه به ئې دومره وړه کړه چې سړے به حېران شو. بوټو خپل اصلي شکل ښودلے ؤ چې واقعي سويلين کم او مارشل اېډمنسټرېټر ډېر دے. په پښتنو بيا يوه نېزه نمر راښکته شوے ؤ. هم دغه ورځو کښې زمونږ ملګرو لويه کاميابي ترلاسه کړې وه، بوټو صېب ته د اکسفورډ يونيورسټۍ نه ورکړې شوې اعزازي Ph.D (پي اېچ ډي) واپس کړې شوې وه. د تجربې کمي وه دغې غټې کاميابۍ زمونږ سترګې پټې کړې وې، ما خپله مجله کښې يو داسې غلط او بې بنياده خبر چاپ کړو چې د موجوده مشر اسفنديار ولي خان او د نورو ملګرو په ګرفتارۍ او وهلو ټکولو تمام شو. د پارټۍ مشرانو ښۀ راښکودم، ګو کۀ رساله د پارټۍ نۀ وه، د پارټۍ اخبار ډېموکرېټک پاکستان ؤ، د ولي بابا سره د ملاوېدو نه ويرېدم او شرمېدم خو چې کله ورسره سکهر جېل کښې ميلاؤ شوم نو هغۀ دا لويه خبره دومره وړه کړه چې زۀ حېران شوم. په سياست کښې غلطيانې کېږي څۀ وشو کۀ اسفنديار جېل کښې شو، ځوان سړے دے، راخلاص به شي او فوري ئې په يو بل مهم ولېږلم. بايد دا تاثر ئې راکوو چې اعتماد دې نۀ دے بائللے. د هغه مشن نه چې واپس د کوئټې د ډاکټر ارباب يوسف (مرحوم) په ذريعه مې ملاقات وشو نو مسکے شو، راته ئې ووئيل خدائے بخښلي ولاړ دي، د مطلب خبره په لنډو وکړه او چې ما ورته ووئيل "بابا نور ملکونه پرېږده زمونږ بره خپل ورور مونږ استعمالوي خو مدعي مو نۀ ګڼي" وې وئيل "ښۀ وشو، په اول ځل مې رښتيا واورېدل".
د وخت سره ماته دا احساس کېدۀ چې د بابا نه سياسي غلطي کېدے شي، اخر انسان ؤ خو په علمي توګه دے چې څومره د زمکې د پاسه دے څو څو چنده په زمکه کښې دننه دے خو د هر کس کاسې ته ئې کتل او هغه هومره ئې ورته ځان څرګندوۀ. دا دعويٰ چرې نۀ شم کولے چې ما ته ئې ځان ټول څرګند کړے ؤ، دا به قطعي دروغ او ځان غټاوے وي خو چې څومره ئې راته ځان ښودلو، نو د بحر الکاهل نه ژور د علم يو درياب ؤ چې د سکندر مرزا نه راواخله تر بوټو پورې څومره سياست دانان ما اورېدلي او ليدلي وو دغه کښې سهروردي نۀ شم شاملولے ځکه د هغۀ يو تقرير مې اورېدلے ؤ او د هغۀ د دانش نۀ ډېر متاثر شوے وم. په ښکاره چې هغه کوم د امريکې وکالت کولو نو حېران ئې کړم. پاکستان کښې چرته داسې واکمن واک نۀ دے اخستے چې د امريکې ګوډاګے نۀ وي پاتې. خو چا دا زړۀ نۀ دے کړے چې يوې عامې جلسه کښې د امريکې وکالت وکړي.
د بابا انداز بيان داسې ؤ چې څوک به ورسره ميلاوېدو نو هم زما په شان تصور به ئې ځان سره راوړو.
حاضر جوابۍ کښې ئې هم د منطقي انداز لمن د لاسه نۀ پرېښوده او نۀ به ئې پُوچه خبره کوله په ولايت کښې ورله د سرحد آخري انګرېز ګورنر اولف کېرو ډوډۍ کړې وه، تپوس ئې ترې وکړو چې کۀ ستاسو صوبه سرحد کښې اوس بيا ريفرنډم وشي نو تاسو او مسلم ليګ کښې به ئې څوک ګټي، ولي بابا فوراً جواب ورکړو نۀ مونږه او نۀ مسلم ليګ، تۀ به ئې ګټې،خلق به درته وائي واپس راشئ.
دغسې په يوه بله موقعه بابا بولټن بلاک کښې داخل ؤ، جنرل فضل حق (مرحوم) ورله تپوس له راغے، د دوي خبرې وې، آخر ئې ترې تپوس وکړو، پيره! تۀ خو په دې صوبه د مارشل لاء د اېډمنسټرېتر، ګورنر او وزيراعليٰ په درې واړو حېثيتونو پاتې شوې، ستا څۀ خيال دے دا صوبه او د دې د اوسېدونکو حال به څنګه ښۀ شي؟ مرحوم فضل حق ورته ووې چې کۀ ماله څوک پوره اختيار راکړي دا به زۀ انګرېزانو له په اجاره ورکړم، بابا وخندل، وې وئيل پيره! زۀ خبر نۀ وم چې پاکستانے جرنېل هم رښتيا وئيلے شي!!
بايد چې دا خبرې ما چرته په خپل تير ليک کښې کړې وے خو دلته ئې بيا وئيل ضروري ګڼم ځکه د موجوده حالاتو حل پکښې هم دے. باچا خان بولټن بلاک کښې داخل ؤ، په برنډه کښې کټ کښې ناست ؤ، ناڅاپه ولي بابا راغے،ما نه ئې تپوس وکړو، کوهستانيه! څوک دي؟ ما وې بابا ولي خان دوي راغلل، هغه لا ناست نۀ ؤ چې باچا خان ترې تپوس وکړو، ولي! په دې پارټۍ څۀ وشو او ما اورېدلي دي چې تا عدم تشدد پرېښے دے؟ بابا ورته جواب کښې ووې پارټي خو ټيک ده، زما د عدم تشدد پرېښودو دا خبره چا غلطه کړې ده، زۀ خو د هر انسان سره تعلق په عدم تشدد ساتم. دا يو انساني خصلت دے خو کۀ يو سپے راباندې حمله وکړي، پرتوګ مې شلوي، شرموي مې، چک راباندې لګوي، پرهر کوي مې نو هغه د عدم تشدد حق نۀ لري، هغه تش په نوم سياست دانان او مفکرين چې دا وائي چې زمونږ په خاوره دا تپلے شوے جنګ زمونږ جنګ نۀ دے دا هغه کسان دي چې د بعضې الفاظو ئې ګوڼه (رڼه) کړې وي. د سياست سترګې ئې ړندې وي، نظر ئې د پوزې د سر نه لرې نۀ ځي، منطقي خبره خو دا ده چې کۀ د ګاونډي په کور اور ولګي او راځي زمونږ د کور برګو او چت ته راورسي خو مونږ به څادر له ټک ورکوو،خپل کور به په لمبو کښې پرېږدو، چې دا زمونږ د سر اور نۀ دے، د ګاونډي اور دے، دا منطق د پوهېدو نۀ دے.
دا خبره خو ولي بابا جنرل ضياءالحق ته کړې وه چې تاسو د ګاونډي په کور اور لګوئ نو زمونږ دا کور به څنګ بچ شي، کۀ تاسو هلته بارود لېږئ نو هغه خو به په ځواب کښې ګلدسته نۀ رالېږي، دې ته سياسي پختګي وائي چې څۀ لا شوي نۀ وي او سياست دان د هغې ادراک ولري.
دا لوبه چې شروع کېده نو ولي بابا په کوئټه کښې يوې جلسې ته ووې چې د پښتنو کور ته اور لګېدونکے دے، په پښتو کښې متل دے چې د کلي سويه د کلي په سپي نيوے شي، زۀ تاسو ته وايم چې راتلونکے امير د جماعت اسلامي به پښتون وي، هم هغسې وشوه او نورو مشرانو د فکر مودودي په نوم ځان له يو فارورډ بلاک جوړ کړو.
د ستر بابا (باچا خان) فلسفه، د ولي بابا سياست زمونږ د لوئے سفر اوراورکي دي، د اور اورکي رڼا د خپلې وينې نه وي.
اوس مونږ ته لږ ټکڼي کېدل پکار دي چې د خپل ځان تجزيه وکړو چې مونږ د هغوي د وينې د رڼا مستحق يُو.
زما په مالي او سياسي مستقبل بابا تل فکرمند ؤ، راته به ئې وئيل چې بدبخته! ګلالۍ راته وئيل چې بې هوشۍ کښې فيلوشپ ډېر ګران دے نو دومره ګران فيلوشپ دې په داسې معاشره کښې وکړو چې څوک ئې څۀ نۀ ګڼي، قومي سياست کښې دې لېونتوب ته راغلې چې خپل درله اهميت نۀ درکوي چې چرته د تلو نۀ دے او نور درپسې راځي نه چې د راتلو نۀ دے.
ما ووې چې تاسو ژوندي يئ نو مقتدي به يم، وې وئيل دغسې کوهستانيه! دا دې منم خو ويرېږم چې زما د مرګ نه وروستو دې سپي د اوښ په شا ونۀ خوري،ما وې جې! مرګ نۀ خلاصون نشته خو زۀ دا اورېدل نۀ غواړم. ايک معمر سياست دان انتقال فرماگئے. مسکے شو.
دا زما او د هغۀ اخري خبرې وې چې زۀ او د افغانستان سنګروال صاحب سره د دۀ د ليدو دپاره برمنګهم ته د پروين بي بي کور ته تللے وم، په دغه ورځ دۀ د يو امريکي وفد سره خبرې وې او ماته ئې څۀ وئيل غوښتل، ما سره هغه امانت تر دې امانت پروت دے، بايد چې دا موقعه هم په لاس راشي چې چا ته ئې حواله کړم خو د کور نه به ئې ګورته وړم.
د خبرو ئې څوک نشته غني ځان سره ګوڼېږي
لېونے ئې هله بولئ چې ئې وګورئ "جانان" ته
Also see:http://www.bbc.co.uk/urdu/pakistan/story/2006/01/060126_walikhan_ali.shtml
For Whom Will the Gulai-Nargis Bloom this Spring in the Swat Valley
For Whom Will the Gulai-Nargis Bloom this Spring in the Swat Valley
By Shaheen Sardar Ali
Today, the 15th January 2009 civilisation, democracy, human rights, rule of law, equality, justice and equity stand defeated. Today, the Government and people of Pakistan have succumbed to a disparate group of faceless, semi-invisible individuals hiding behind an opaque mask of religion and declared all girls’ education as outside the pale of Islam. ‘Iqra’[Read], a mandatory injunction in the Qur’an for every Muslim male and female, has been reduced to a meaningless word trampled under the feet of worldly gods speaking in God’s name. The great and glorious of the state of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, in a state of complete denial whine and whimper as the state recedes under their very eyes…………….. For today, the parallel ‘taliban’ the only government with any writ in Swat has declared all girls’ schools closed forever.
But who cares for the Swat Pukhtuns from the back of beyond. Let them shut down girls’ schools and chop up heads, hang them from poles and tree tops. After all, Islamabad is thriving, we have a democratically elected President, Prime Minister and Parliament. Swat and FATA are very far away and only become significant when foreign masters are in town and demand action. After agonising, weeping, brooding and making angry conversations with whoever cared to listen, I decided to share these thoughts with anyone who may wish to read and capture the tormented soul of a Swati woman sitting continents away from her beloved homeland. Is the pain greater when one is far away from home and loved ones. Does everyone living in the ‘diaspora’ experience a sinking feeling at the sound of a ringing telephone in the early hours of the morning, fearing some horrible news awaiting at the other end of the telephone. Does everyone sit glued to the television set in the anxious hope of more news of Swat, FATA and the country.
How long before we will say: enough is enough and rise, speak and act. How much more suffering before we declare emphatically that we refuse to be harassed and silenced any longer and demand answers for the wrong doings meted out to us. How many more humans will have to be slaughtered, before we stand up and say NO. When will we shout from the rooftops of Mingora, Saidu, Kabal, Matta, Sangota, Manglawar, huprial, Dewlai, Madyan, Bahrein, Kalam: stop your underhand, hypocritical games, blowing hot and cold, killing us in the name of protecting us when all the while what is being protected, is power and wealth of a few and destruction of the people of Swat. Go and play your foul game elsewhere and leave us in peace. Stop our genocide.
But, who will listen to the pleas of the traumatised souls that are my compatriots: impoverished beyond belief materially, emotionally and physically. Not the evil Machiavellis of today who cast the net of violence over unguarded people going about their daily business. Not those perched in the superior location of the corridors of power and wealth who are in a state of denial, simply looking the other way and celebrating their power and opportunity to humiliate the people of Pakistan by decorating the perpetrators of their destruction with medals.
It is that time of year in Swat when the harsh winter breeze cascades from the peaks of majestic snow capped mountains spreading its icy cold wings throughout the valley. As a child, I had bittersweet sentiments for these freezing cold winds as they coincided with my winter vacations from the Sacred Heart Convent in Lahore. Just when the sun would start shining every morning and I would want to play outside, the freezing winds would make me want to huddle indoors by the fire. One of my aunts [and later my mother-in-law] once told me why those far away mountains I saw were always to remain covered with snow… this is called the gunaangaar ghar [sinful mountain]… it is under a curse and destined to carry the burden of a snowy cap….Turning my head to the other side of the valley, I would see illum, another grand mountain lying between my home valley and that of Buner. This mountain held a more positive image in popular imagination as a saying goes in Pukhto: May you become as tall in stature as the illum mountain.
I now wonder whether it was us Swatis as well as that far away mountain carrying its ‘cursed’ load of snow all year round and visible only on clear sunny days from Mingora, that may have been under a curse. Why else has tragedy of the present proportion struck Swat and her people, making a reported 5 lakh people homeless, rendering as many others homeless and thousands dead or missing. What merited this punishment and terror, is a complex and mysterious saga details of which we may never fully comprehend. The stark reality is that hundreds of thousands of Swatis who have been peaceful, hospitable, people now live a tormented life, inside as well as outside Swat and see their beloved homeland being destroyed by the histrionics of Machiavellian power play.
I know that at this tragic stage of our existence as God and human forsaken Swatis, it is all too easy to fall into the trap of recalling a romanticised past…. Yet for us forgotten and forsaken people, any respite must come from recalling our past and building on it towards a future. I cannot help but see, albeit in a mist and haze of tearful eyes and broken heart [but not broken spirit] images of those not so long ago times, when droves of tourists from home and abroad, would ply through the Malakand Pass and make their way to Swat. We never used the word ‘tourist’ for these people coming from ‘khakata’ [‘down’ country]; everyone used the word ‘meylma’ [guest’] for these visitors and holiday makers, film production teams, honeymooners and families proudly showing off the ‘Switzerland of the East’ to their children who would then go back to school in Lahore, Rawalpindi, Karachi, indeed all parts of Pakistan, and narrate tales of the gushing waters of the river Swat, the tall pine clad mountains, the narrow dangerous roads, the clear sapphire blue waters of mahodand [a lake beyond Kalam], the ‘white palace’ in Marghozaar where the tall mountains met…
I recollect those early years of my life when we had no piped water in the family home presided over by my grandparents, and when it was common every evening, before sunset, for women to walk through discreet side alleys, towards the ‘gudar’ and ‘gaaga’ to fill their mangee [earthern ware vessels] with fresh, cold drinking water for their families. Images of dozens of women in their chaddars artfully balancing mangee on their heads and often one in their armpit walking single file down narrow lanes against the backdrop of a glorious golden setting sun on the horizon are still fresh in my memory. We children were not allowed to distract this daily ritual but on the rare occasion when my cousins and I would cajole our mothers and aunts into letting us accompany those assigned to fetch water, I would wonder why all the men suddenly seemed to ‘shy’ off and turn their heads towards the walls of the lanes, creating a ‘private-public’ space for women.
The male public sphere of this small village-like town would transform itself for a short while into female space with mangee-holding women gracefully navigating the streets and narrow alleyways. The same principle applied to the gudar where the family laundry was done. This truly was a picnic where one could simply rollick about in the green fields, tap your feet in the cold water of the streams, play hide and seek behind a bush, greedily pick the blackberries that grew along the stream, and the occasional scream when pricked unceremoniously by the thorns in the blackberry bush. There was the even rarer treat in the autumn when wild peas were in bloom and we could cunningly pick a few pods as we sauntered through the fields on our way to the water. I must emphasise that this was a regular all-women excursion and the only male intruder would be at midday when a male helper would bring the much-awaited lunch.
At about this time of year, in a few weeks perhaps, when the sun starts shining with a bit more courage and looks down on this icy cold valley, the gulai-nargis [narcissus] and ghaantol [wild tulips] will take heart and peep out of the muddy soil on the slopes of the adjoining mountains. Scores of women will be awaiting these first signs of the turning weather in the hope that they can go saaba-picking [edible green clover leaves, chives and a host of other saag type vegetation which is the staple food of most of the population]. Travellers along the road from Mingora towards Peshawar will find the familiar sight of young boys and girls holding up bouquets of narcissus and wild tulips for sale.
That is how I remember life growing up as a young girl in the Swat valley. My husband went to a co-education school in the town and his female classmates are grandmothers now. Sixty years ago in Swat, girls and boys went to primary school together; secondary and higher secondary schools for girls were full to the brim from where hundreds of young women ventured forth to the colleges and university if Peshawar and beyond. My induction as the first woman cabinet minister in the NWFP government in 1999 was widely hailed and men and women alike shared in what they saw as a collective pride and recognition of one of their own.
So when, why and how did the present nightmare unfold for us unfortunate Swatis. When did this serene, hospitable valley get chosen as the venue of game playing individuals and groups, local, national, regional and international. What was/is the game plan, input and output and what is the desired result that perpetrators of the scheme aspire to achieve. Why choose Swat as opposed to adjoining territories with less accessibility to the outside world and governmental infrastructure. How true is it that so-called militant religious extremists are entirely responsible for all the horror, terror, death and destruction of Swat and Swatis and so-called ‘progressive’ democratically elected government is innocent and beyond reproach. How true is it seeds of the present situation were sown by institutions responsible for upholding and protecting the national interest in 1994 when Sufi Mohammad took
Swat and the entire governmental machinery hostage. The ‘black turbans’, as they were called simply emerged as if from nowhere and before anyone could take a deep breath, had spread themselves across the valley. The government of the time gave them some crumbs in the form of the Nizam-i-adl regulation 1994, re-named judges and courts by using the names Qazi, Ilaqa Qazi etc., and assigned supposedly Shari’a literate muavin or advisers to assist the Qazi in administration of justice to make sure it was Shari’a compliant. People of the Malakand division as it was then called, had a choice to use the ‘Islamic law’ or the ‘regular’ law of the country. It is no secret that apart from a few women daring to challenge their male relatives to obtain their inheritance by using Islamic law, all and sundry stuck to the civil and criminal law of the country.
Some time later, dissatisfied noises started being heard regarding unsatisfactory nifaz/promulgation of Sharia, but it actually turned out that some of the muavineen, or ‘Shari’a conversant advisers, were angling for a raise in their salaries. This demand was of course met, as that was the easy way out and then forgot all about the underlying million dollar question: Was/Is there a popular demand for Shari’a promulgation in the region; how is this to be gauged; what is the problem with existing offerings and what/who is the underlying, simmering problem and issues. Why is it that this demand emanates not from more urbanised centres of Swat including Mingora, Saidu etc., but from outlying, rural areas where class divisions are more pronounced and landed class unpopular among the general population. Surely, if the demand was the result of delays in court and administration of justice generally, ought the people from the urban centres not likely to be the ones more affected thus proponents of the demand for Shari’a……………..
Leaving the above critical question on the back burner to simmer and exacerbate, we now come to another governance and neglect issue in Swat. This is the issue of ‘custom-chor’ vehicles that have flooded the market. Cars, jeeps etc are available for unbelievable paltry sums creating avenues for all sorts of activities outside the perview of the law. Why was this not dealt with and nipped in the bud asap when the problem was first spotted. Receding and abdicating state control and remit are terms that come readily to mind. The question I pose here is: Was the state apparatus unaware of this and the wider, serious implications for government and governance not to mention the lost revenue and financial fallout. Is it rocket science to decipher the fact that when you give an inch, a yard is what is generally being conceded. The signal given to those who may have had intentions of violent adventures in the area would be quite clear: go ahead and do what you want; there is very little to stop you.
Deep in the forests of Swat, it was being reported that when government officials went on inspection tours of the area, they were stopped at the foot of the mountains where the thick pine forests started. The local population also reported periodic ‘earthquake-like’ happenings as if a bomb has gone off; they were spotting unfamiliar people on the roads, were generally confused but as unsuspecting people focussing on earning two square meals for their families, never thought more of it. Neither did they know who to say all this strange goings on to; who would listen to poor villagers in the first place….
Hospital staff in the several hospitals and health facilities recollect numerous men and women patients who ‘did not look like us’, spoke a very strong sounding language, the men had ‘long hair and sort of chinky eyes’, etc etc., These sightings started about two summers ago but no governmental, agency picked this up, or did they….
Is it possible that the few thousands of militants are so superior in arms and training that the 7th largest army in the world is unable to out manoeuvre them. Are the government structures and institutions so weak that access lines to arms and ammunition cannot be cut off. But the critical questions of all, that Swatis are asking themselves and the world: Who are these ‘people’ who have captured their land, terrorised them to death, why and for what end and purpose. As citizens of this country, Swatis demand answers to these questions and for the government to take responsibility for leaving them without security, succour and sustenance.
The writer is Professor of law, University of Warwick, United Kingdom, Professor II, University of Oslo, Norway and Member of the UN Working Group on Arbitrary detention. She was formerly Professor of law, University of Peshawar.
Email: s.s.ali@warwick.ac.uk
Source:http://www.khybernews.tv/news_details.php?newsid=191
By Shaheen Sardar Ali
Today, the 15th January 2009 civilisation, democracy, human rights, rule of law, equality, justice and equity stand defeated. Today, the Government and people of Pakistan have succumbed to a disparate group of faceless, semi-invisible individuals hiding behind an opaque mask of religion and declared all girls’ education as outside the pale of Islam. ‘Iqra’[Read], a mandatory injunction in the Qur’an for every Muslim male and female, has been reduced to a meaningless word trampled under the feet of worldly gods speaking in God’s name. The great and glorious of the state of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, in a state of complete denial whine and whimper as the state recedes under their very eyes…………….. For today, the parallel ‘taliban’ the only government with any writ in Swat has declared all girls’ schools closed forever.
But who cares for the Swat Pukhtuns from the back of beyond. Let them shut down girls’ schools and chop up heads, hang them from poles and tree tops. After all, Islamabad is thriving, we have a democratically elected President, Prime Minister and Parliament. Swat and FATA are very far away and only become significant when foreign masters are in town and demand action. After agonising, weeping, brooding and making angry conversations with whoever cared to listen, I decided to share these thoughts with anyone who may wish to read and capture the tormented soul of a Swati woman sitting continents away from her beloved homeland. Is the pain greater when one is far away from home and loved ones. Does everyone living in the ‘diaspora’ experience a sinking feeling at the sound of a ringing telephone in the early hours of the morning, fearing some horrible news awaiting at the other end of the telephone. Does everyone sit glued to the television set in the anxious hope of more news of Swat, FATA and the country.
How long before we will say: enough is enough and rise, speak and act. How much more suffering before we declare emphatically that we refuse to be harassed and silenced any longer and demand answers for the wrong doings meted out to us. How many more humans will have to be slaughtered, before we stand up and say NO. When will we shout from the rooftops of Mingora, Saidu, Kabal, Matta, Sangota, Manglawar, huprial, Dewlai, Madyan, Bahrein, Kalam: stop your underhand, hypocritical games, blowing hot and cold, killing us in the name of protecting us when all the while what is being protected, is power and wealth of a few and destruction of the people of Swat. Go and play your foul game elsewhere and leave us in peace. Stop our genocide.
But, who will listen to the pleas of the traumatised souls that are my compatriots: impoverished beyond belief materially, emotionally and physically. Not the evil Machiavellis of today who cast the net of violence over unguarded people going about their daily business. Not those perched in the superior location of the corridors of power and wealth who are in a state of denial, simply looking the other way and celebrating their power and opportunity to humiliate the people of Pakistan by decorating the perpetrators of their destruction with medals.
It is that time of year in Swat when the harsh winter breeze cascades from the peaks of majestic snow capped mountains spreading its icy cold wings throughout the valley. As a child, I had bittersweet sentiments for these freezing cold winds as they coincided with my winter vacations from the Sacred Heart Convent in Lahore. Just when the sun would start shining every morning and I would want to play outside, the freezing winds would make me want to huddle indoors by the fire. One of my aunts [and later my mother-in-law] once told me why those far away mountains I saw were always to remain covered with snow… this is called the gunaangaar ghar [sinful mountain]… it is under a curse and destined to carry the burden of a snowy cap….Turning my head to the other side of the valley, I would see illum, another grand mountain lying between my home valley and that of Buner. This mountain held a more positive image in popular imagination as a saying goes in Pukhto: May you become as tall in stature as the illum mountain.
I now wonder whether it was us Swatis as well as that far away mountain carrying its ‘cursed’ load of snow all year round and visible only on clear sunny days from Mingora, that may have been under a curse. Why else has tragedy of the present proportion struck Swat and her people, making a reported 5 lakh people homeless, rendering as many others homeless and thousands dead or missing. What merited this punishment and terror, is a complex and mysterious saga details of which we may never fully comprehend. The stark reality is that hundreds of thousands of Swatis who have been peaceful, hospitable, people now live a tormented life, inside as well as outside Swat and see their beloved homeland being destroyed by the histrionics of Machiavellian power play.
I know that at this tragic stage of our existence as God and human forsaken Swatis, it is all too easy to fall into the trap of recalling a romanticised past…. Yet for us forgotten and forsaken people, any respite must come from recalling our past and building on it towards a future. I cannot help but see, albeit in a mist and haze of tearful eyes and broken heart [but not broken spirit] images of those not so long ago times, when droves of tourists from home and abroad, would ply through the Malakand Pass and make their way to Swat. We never used the word ‘tourist’ for these people coming from ‘khakata’ [‘down’ country]; everyone used the word ‘meylma’ [guest’] for these visitors and holiday makers, film production teams, honeymooners and families proudly showing off the ‘Switzerland of the East’ to their children who would then go back to school in Lahore, Rawalpindi, Karachi, indeed all parts of Pakistan, and narrate tales of the gushing waters of the river Swat, the tall pine clad mountains, the narrow dangerous roads, the clear sapphire blue waters of mahodand [a lake beyond Kalam], the ‘white palace’ in Marghozaar where the tall mountains met…
I recollect those early years of my life when we had no piped water in the family home presided over by my grandparents, and when it was common every evening, before sunset, for women to walk through discreet side alleys, towards the ‘gudar’ and ‘gaaga’ to fill their mangee [earthern ware vessels] with fresh, cold drinking water for their families. Images of dozens of women in their chaddars artfully balancing mangee on their heads and often one in their armpit walking single file down narrow lanes against the backdrop of a glorious golden setting sun on the horizon are still fresh in my memory. We children were not allowed to distract this daily ritual but on the rare occasion when my cousins and I would cajole our mothers and aunts into letting us accompany those assigned to fetch water, I would wonder why all the men suddenly seemed to ‘shy’ off and turn their heads towards the walls of the lanes, creating a ‘private-public’ space for women.
The male public sphere of this small village-like town would transform itself for a short while into female space with mangee-holding women gracefully navigating the streets and narrow alleyways. The same principle applied to the gudar where the family laundry was done. This truly was a picnic where one could simply rollick about in the green fields, tap your feet in the cold water of the streams, play hide and seek behind a bush, greedily pick the blackberries that grew along the stream, and the occasional scream when pricked unceremoniously by the thorns in the blackberry bush. There was the even rarer treat in the autumn when wild peas were in bloom and we could cunningly pick a few pods as we sauntered through the fields on our way to the water. I must emphasise that this was a regular all-women excursion and the only male intruder would be at midday when a male helper would bring the much-awaited lunch.
At about this time of year, in a few weeks perhaps, when the sun starts shining with a bit more courage and looks down on this icy cold valley, the gulai-nargis [narcissus] and ghaantol [wild tulips] will take heart and peep out of the muddy soil on the slopes of the adjoining mountains. Scores of women will be awaiting these first signs of the turning weather in the hope that they can go saaba-picking [edible green clover leaves, chives and a host of other saag type vegetation which is the staple food of most of the population]. Travellers along the road from Mingora towards Peshawar will find the familiar sight of young boys and girls holding up bouquets of narcissus and wild tulips for sale.
That is how I remember life growing up as a young girl in the Swat valley. My husband went to a co-education school in the town and his female classmates are grandmothers now. Sixty years ago in Swat, girls and boys went to primary school together; secondary and higher secondary schools for girls were full to the brim from where hundreds of young women ventured forth to the colleges and university if Peshawar and beyond. My induction as the first woman cabinet minister in the NWFP government in 1999 was widely hailed and men and women alike shared in what they saw as a collective pride and recognition of one of their own.
So when, why and how did the present nightmare unfold for us unfortunate Swatis. When did this serene, hospitable valley get chosen as the venue of game playing individuals and groups, local, national, regional and international. What was/is the game plan, input and output and what is the desired result that perpetrators of the scheme aspire to achieve. Why choose Swat as opposed to adjoining territories with less accessibility to the outside world and governmental infrastructure. How true is it that so-called militant religious extremists are entirely responsible for all the horror, terror, death and destruction of Swat and Swatis and so-called ‘progressive’ democratically elected government is innocent and beyond reproach. How true is it seeds of the present situation were sown by institutions responsible for upholding and protecting the national interest in 1994 when Sufi Mohammad took
Swat and the entire governmental machinery hostage. The ‘black turbans’, as they were called simply emerged as if from nowhere and before anyone could take a deep breath, had spread themselves across the valley. The government of the time gave them some crumbs in the form of the Nizam-i-adl regulation 1994, re-named judges and courts by using the names Qazi, Ilaqa Qazi etc., and assigned supposedly Shari’a literate muavin or advisers to assist the Qazi in administration of justice to make sure it was Shari’a compliant. People of the Malakand division as it was then called, had a choice to use the ‘Islamic law’ or the ‘regular’ law of the country. It is no secret that apart from a few women daring to challenge their male relatives to obtain their inheritance by using Islamic law, all and sundry stuck to the civil and criminal law of the country.
Some time later, dissatisfied noises started being heard regarding unsatisfactory nifaz/promulgation of Sharia, but it actually turned out that some of the muavineen, or ‘Shari’a conversant advisers, were angling for a raise in their salaries. This demand was of course met, as that was the easy way out and then forgot all about the underlying million dollar question: Was/Is there a popular demand for Shari’a promulgation in the region; how is this to be gauged; what is the problem with existing offerings and what/who is the underlying, simmering problem and issues. Why is it that this demand emanates not from more urbanised centres of Swat including Mingora, Saidu etc., but from outlying, rural areas where class divisions are more pronounced and landed class unpopular among the general population. Surely, if the demand was the result of delays in court and administration of justice generally, ought the people from the urban centres not likely to be the ones more affected thus proponents of the demand for Shari’a……………..
Leaving the above critical question on the back burner to simmer and exacerbate, we now come to another governance and neglect issue in Swat. This is the issue of ‘custom-chor’ vehicles that have flooded the market. Cars, jeeps etc are available for unbelievable paltry sums creating avenues for all sorts of activities outside the perview of the law. Why was this not dealt with and nipped in the bud asap when the problem was first spotted. Receding and abdicating state control and remit are terms that come readily to mind. The question I pose here is: Was the state apparatus unaware of this and the wider, serious implications for government and governance not to mention the lost revenue and financial fallout. Is it rocket science to decipher the fact that when you give an inch, a yard is what is generally being conceded. The signal given to those who may have had intentions of violent adventures in the area would be quite clear: go ahead and do what you want; there is very little to stop you.
Deep in the forests of Swat, it was being reported that when government officials went on inspection tours of the area, they were stopped at the foot of the mountains where the thick pine forests started. The local population also reported periodic ‘earthquake-like’ happenings as if a bomb has gone off; they were spotting unfamiliar people on the roads, were generally confused but as unsuspecting people focussing on earning two square meals for their families, never thought more of it. Neither did they know who to say all this strange goings on to; who would listen to poor villagers in the first place….
Hospital staff in the several hospitals and health facilities recollect numerous men and women patients who ‘did not look like us’, spoke a very strong sounding language, the men had ‘long hair and sort of chinky eyes’, etc etc., These sightings started about two summers ago but no governmental, agency picked this up, or did they….
Is it possible that the few thousands of militants are so superior in arms and training that the 7th largest army in the world is unable to out manoeuvre them. Are the government structures and institutions so weak that access lines to arms and ammunition cannot be cut off. But the critical questions of all, that Swatis are asking themselves and the world: Who are these ‘people’ who have captured their land, terrorised them to death, why and for what end and purpose. As citizens of this country, Swatis demand answers to these questions and for the government to take responsibility for leaving them without security, succour and sustenance.
The writer is Professor of law, University of Warwick, United Kingdom, Professor II, University of Oslo, Norway and Member of the UN Working Group on Arbitrary detention. She was formerly Professor of law, University of Peshawar.
Email: s.s.ali@warwick.ac.uk
Source:http://www.khybernews.tv/news_details.php?newsid=191
Saturday, January 24, 2009
No point in talking to the Taliban
No point in talking to the Taliban
Friday, January 23, 2009
by Farhat Taj
Some weeks ago I was with a family in the NWFP. The family had staying with them many relatives from a
Taliban-occupied tribal area. I asked one of the relatives his views on a dialogue with the Taliban. We were
talking in Pashto, but the young man's prompt reaction came in English: "Dialogue? Taliban? My foot!"
Then he returned to Pashto. "All those who want a dialogue with the Taliban should go to hell.
No dialogue with the Taliban. The army must kill them all. But the army does not want to kill them.
"The remarks typify the widespread feelings of hatred towards the Taliban and of disappointment in the
army's failure to curb them in the tribal areas and the NWFP. People just want the writ of the government
restored and the Taliban brought before the law.Most of those in Pakistan who seek the dialogue are outsiders
who do not care to come to the Pakhtun areas and see the ground realities and the sufferings of the people.
They are either intellectually lazy or are insensitive to the trauma of the terrorised people.One of these advocates
of a dialogue between the government and the Taliban is Masooda Bano. After reading her article in The News
titled "What a Thought" (Jan 16), I sent her an email asking the following questions.
1) Which Taliban/militant leaders
in the Pakhtun areas are you proposing for a dialogue? Please name those leaders.
2) Please elaborate why you think there should be dialogue with those leaders. Please elaborate one by one with reference to each leader?
3) If not the Taliban/militant leaders, who else are you proposing as partners in the dialogue?
4) Under what conditions should a dialogue with Taliban/militants take place, or should it be unconditional?
5) Are you from the NWFP or FATA?
6) If not, when was the last time you came to the NWFP or FATA?
She never replied to my email. If she had replied, I would have had a better idea of the logic behind her suggestion
for the dialogue. One person with whom I discussed her suggestion said the writer is backing the Taliban by asking
for what they themselves ask--a dialogue.
"The Taliban ask for dialogue just to get more time and space to reorganizes," said a woman.
Masooda Bano referred to words two British ministers to conclude that there is "recognition at the global level that the
use of force perpetuates rather than curtails militancy," which provides the Pakistani leadership with "just the right support to build a strong case for replacing military operations in the NWFP and tribal belt with dialogue.
" The Pakhtun who experience the full range of Talibanisation, day and and day out, know that Taliban atrocities are not going to end with a dialogue. The Taliban have an agenda of a savage social order to be imposed on the people. The Pakhtun are not ready for that and this is the reason why they are bearing the brunt of the Taliban savagery.
Hatred against the Taliban in the Pakhtun areas is at an all-time high and so is disappointment, even resentment, about the Pakistani army for its failure to stop the Taliban.
All over the NWFP and FATA one can find people who even discuss possibilities of Israel and India to be asked for help. Their argument goes like this: "We are not killed by Israel and India. We are killed by the Taliban and the Pakistani army.
So, who is our enemy, then?" Many people in the Taliban-occupied territories of the NWFP and FATA told me they constantly pray for the US drones to bomb the Taliban headquarters in their areas since the Pakistani army is unwilling
to do so. Many people of Waziristan told me they are satisfied with the US drone attacks on militants in Waziristan and they want the Americans to keep it up till all the militants, local Pakhtun, the Punjabis and the foreigners, are eliminated.
The Pakhtun are not ready to accept that the strong Pakistani army is unable to eliminate the key leaders of all the Taliban groups and their headquarters.
People argue: When the Pakistani army leadership wished, it eliminated Nawab Akbar Bugti in the most brutal manner,
in complete disrespect for the wishes of the Baloch and other Pakistanis. How come the army does not eliminate the murderous gangsters like Taliban leaders Baituall and Fazllulah when the Pakhtun are asking for it?
People want the army to eliminate the entire leadership of all Taliban gangs, their headquarters and hideouts in targeted operations based on good intelligence. The Pakhtun are not ready to accept that the mighty ISI cannot provide actionable intelligence to the army for prompt targeted operations.
In my article of Jan 15 I explained that there cannot be a dialogue with the Taliban because there does not exist any common ground that is mutually respected by both the government of Pakistan and the Taliban. Such a ground, I argued, can be the law of Pakistan, the code of Pakhtunwali or Islam--none of which is respected by the Taliban.
Now I would say that it is not even practical and feasible to have a dialogue with the Taliban. The Taliban are not a homogeneous group. There are not one, two, three, four or five Taliban leaders. The Taliban are made up of a large number of militant and criminal gangs. (Perhaps the ISI knows the exact number.) How many dialogues must the government initiate? How many criminal gangs must the government appease?The Taliban groups have a broad-based combined
agenda--i.e., imposition of their own version of religion on the Pakhtun through terror and violence. But the groups operate independently of each other. They, however, support, or at least do not mess up with, each other's activities in the implementation of the agenda. Thus, for example, a group of local Taliban in North Waziristan have a peace deal with the army. According to the written version of the agreement (which has been seen by NWFP and tribal journalists),
the deal binds the Taliban not to allow any activities in their area that can be against the law of Pakistan. But some South Waziristan Taliban gangs, linked with the Punjab-based sectarian groups Sipah-e-Sahaba and Lashkar-e-Jangvi, move through the area of North Waziristan Taliban to come to the area between Kohat and Parachinar to terrorise Shia Pakhtun in the area. After having committed their acts of terrorism in the Shia reas, they go back to South Waziristan via North Waziristan where the Taliban that have agreement with the army never ever try to stop this traffic in the Shia areas.Taliban gangs in both Waziristan routinely terrorise the people of Waziristan. This is one of the key reasons why so many people of Waziristan have preferred to live as internally displaced people in other parts of Pakistan.An internally displaced woman of Waziristan with whom I discussed Masooda Bano's article has this message for her: "Would you like to live under Taliban rule? If yes, you are most welcome to come to Taliban-occupied Waziristan or Swat. If not, why do you float pro-Taliban suggestions like the dialogue which will force the Pakhtun to live under their inhuman order one way of the other? Or perhaps you believe that the Pakhtun are naturally cut out for brutal life under the Taliban."The NWFP government had an agreement with groups of the Taliban in the NWFP. According to the agreement the arrested Taliban militants for involvements in terrorist activities were to be released after a judicial procedure. Later some Taliban leaders argued that they do not believe in the law of Pakistan and insisted the arrested Taliban must be released without any judicial procedure under the law. The government refused, and this put the agreement in trouble.The Pakhtun are sick and tired of this dialogue and the so-called peace agreements with the Taliban. They want the Taliban brought by force under Pakistani law. As a Pakhtun I understand the outsiders, whether ignorant or insensitive, do not understand and respect this law.The writer is a research fellow at the Centre for Interdisciplinary Gender Research, University of Oslo and a member of Aryana Institute for Regional Research and Advocacy.
Friday, January 23, 2009
by Farhat Taj
Some weeks ago I was with a family in the NWFP. The family had staying with them many relatives from a
Taliban-occupied tribal area. I asked one of the relatives his views on a dialogue with the Taliban. We were
talking in Pashto, but the young man's prompt reaction came in English: "Dialogue? Taliban? My foot!"
Then he returned to Pashto. "All those who want a dialogue with the Taliban should go to hell.
No dialogue with the Taliban. The army must kill them all. But the army does not want to kill them.
"The remarks typify the widespread feelings of hatred towards the Taliban and of disappointment in the
army's failure to curb them in the tribal areas and the NWFP. People just want the writ of the government
restored and the Taliban brought before the law.Most of those in Pakistan who seek the dialogue are outsiders
who do not care to come to the Pakhtun areas and see the ground realities and the sufferings of the people.
They are either intellectually lazy or are insensitive to the trauma of the terrorised people.One of these advocates
of a dialogue between the government and the Taliban is Masooda Bano. After reading her article in The News
titled "What a Thought" (Jan 16), I sent her an email asking the following questions.
1) Which Taliban/militant leaders
in the Pakhtun areas are you proposing for a dialogue? Please name those leaders.
2) Please elaborate why you think there should be dialogue with those leaders. Please elaborate one by one with reference to each leader?
3) If not the Taliban/militant leaders, who else are you proposing as partners in the dialogue?
4) Under what conditions should a dialogue with Taliban/militants take place, or should it be unconditional?
5) Are you from the NWFP or FATA?
6) If not, when was the last time you came to the NWFP or FATA?
She never replied to my email. If she had replied, I would have had a better idea of the logic behind her suggestion
for the dialogue. One person with whom I discussed her suggestion said the writer is backing the Taliban by asking
for what they themselves ask--a dialogue.
"The Taliban ask for dialogue just to get more time and space to reorganizes," said a woman.
Masooda Bano referred to words two British ministers to conclude that there is "recognition at the global level that the
use of force perpetuates rather than curtails militancy," which provides the Pakistani leadership with "just the right support to build a strong case for replacing military operations in the NWFP and tribal belt with dialogue.
" The Pakhtun who experience the full range of Talibanisation, day and and day out, know that Taliban atrocities are not going to end with a dialogue. The Taliban have an agenda of a savage social order to be imposed on the people. The Pakhtun are not ready for that and this is the reason why they are bearing the brunt of the Taliban savagery.
Hatred against the Taliban in the Pakhtun areas is at an all-time high and so is disappointment, even resentment, about the Pakistani army for its failure to stop the Taliban.
All over the NWFP and FATA one can find people who even discuss possibilities of Israel and India to be asked for help. Their argument goes like this: "We are not killed by Israel and India. We are killed by the Taliban and the Pakistani army.
So, who is our enemy, then?" Many people in the Taliban-occupied territories of the NWFP and FATA told me they constantly pray for the US drones to bomb the Taliban headquarters in their areas since the Pakistani army is unwilling
to do so. Many people of Waziristan told me they are satisfied with the US drone attacks on militants in Waziristan and they want the Americans to keep it up till all the militants, local Pakhtun, the Punjabis and the foreigners, are eliminated.
The Pakhtun are not ready to accept that the strong Pakistani army is unable to eliminate the key leaders of all the Taliban groups and their headquarters.
People argue: When the Pakistani army leadership wished, it eliminated Nawab Akbar Bugti in the most brutal manner,
in complete disrespect for the wishes of the Baloch and other Pakistanis. How come the army does not eliminate the murderous gangsters like Taliban leaders Baituall and Fazllulah when the Pakhtun are asking for it?
People want the army to eliminate the entire leadership of all Taliban gangs, their headquarters and hideouts in targeted operations based on good intelligence. The Pakhtun are not ready to accept that the mighty ISI cannot provide actionable intelligence to the army for prompt targeted operations.
In my article of Jan 15 I explained that there cannot be a dialogue with the Taliban because there does not exist any common ground that is mutually respected by both the government of Pakistan and the Taliban. Such a ground, I argued, can be the law of Pakistan, the code of Pakhtunwali or Islam--none of which is respected by the Taliban.
Now I would say that it is not even practical and feasible to have a dialogue with the Taliban. The Taliban are not a homogeneous group. There are not one, two, three, four or five Taliban leaders. The Taliban are made up of a large number of militant and criminal gangs. (Perhaps the ISI knows the exact number.) How many dialogues must the government initiate? How many criminal gangs must the government appease?The Taliban groups have a broad-based combined
agenda--i.e., imposition of their own version of religion on the Pakhtun through terror and violence. But the groups operate independently of each other. They, however, support, or at least do not mess up with, each other's activities in the implementation of the agenda. Thus, for example, a group of local Taliban in North Waziristan have a peace deal with the army. According to the written version of the agreement (which has been seen by NWFP and tribal journalists),
the deal binds the Taliban not to allow any activities in their area that can be against the law of Pakistan. But some South Waziristan Taliban gangs, linked with the Punjab-based sectarian groups Sipah-e-Sahaba and Lashkar-e-Jangvi, move through the area of North Waziristan Taliban to come to the area between Kohat and Parachinar to terrorise Shia Pakhtun in the area. After having committed their acts of terrorism in the Shia reas, they go back to South Waziristan via North Waziristan where the Taliban that have agreement with the army never ever try to stop this traffic in the Shia areas.Taliban gangs in both Waziristan routinely terrorise the people of Waziristan. This is one of the key reasons why so many people of Waziristan have preferred to live as internally displaced people in other parts of Pakistan.An internally displaced woman of Waziristan with whom I discussed Masooda Bano's article has this message for her: "Would you like to live under Taliban rule? If yes, you are most welcome to come to Taliban-occupied Waziristan or Swat. If not, why do you float pro-Taliban suggestions like the dialogue which will force the Pakhtun to live under their inhuman order one way of the other? Or perhaps you believe that the Pakhtun are naturally cut out for brutal life under the Taliban."The NWFP government had an agreement with groups of the Taliban in the NWFP. According to the agreement the arrested Taliban militants for involvements in terrorist activities were to be released after a judicial procedure. Later some Taliban leaders argued that they do not believe in the law of Pakistan and insisted the arrested Taliban must be released without any judicial procedure under the law. The government refused, and this put the agreement in trouble.The Pakhtun are sick and tired of this dialogue and the so-called peace agreements with the Taliban. They want the Taliban brought by force under Pakistani law. As a Pakhtun I understand the outsiders, whether ignorant or insensitive, do not understand and respect this law.The writer is a research fellow at the Centre for Interdisciplinary Gender Research, University of Oslo and a member of Aryana Institute for Regional Research and Advocacy.
Wednesday, January 21, 2009
Sunday, January 18, 2009
Baitullah thinks that Israel is a girl school of Swat.
Baitullah threatens suicide attacks against Israel
Sunday, January 18, 2009
Bureau report
PESHAWAR: Condemning Israeli attacks against the Palestinian people, the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) head Baitullah Mahsud claimed Saturday that his suicide bombers were ready to strike at Israel anywhere in the world.
According to the BBC Urdu Service, he gave a telephonic interview to it from somewhere in South Waziristan to record his views on the Israeli aggression against Gaza. When told that Israel was far away for him to strike, he said that his ‘fidayeen’ could strike anywhere in the world with the help of the lone superpower, Allah. “If I am alive, I will avenge the Israeli atrocities against the Palestinian Muslims not in one or two months but in several years,” he remarked.
Baitullah pledged to teach a lesson to Israel if it didn’t stop its attacks in Palestine.
Baitullah Mahsud, in the same interview, claimed that the spy network built by the US in South Waziristan had largely been neutralised to prevent drone attacks. He insisted that the missile attacks were being coordinated by the secret agencies of the US, Pakistan and Afghanistan.
The TTP leader also warned Afghan President Hamid Karzai that he would not be able to escape Taliban revenge.
Baitullah thinks that Israel is a girl school of Swat.
Sunday, January 18, 2009
Bureau report
PESHAWAR: Condemning Israeli attacks against the Palestinian people, the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) head Baitullah Mahsud claimed Saturday that his suicide bombers were ready to strike at Israel anywhere in the world.
According to the BBC Urdu Service, he gave a telephonic interview to it from somewhere in South Waziristan to record his views on the Israeli aggression against Gaza. When told that Israel was far away for him to strike, he said that his ‘fidayeen’ could strike anywhere in the world with the help of the lone superpower, Allah. “If I am alive, I will avenge the Israeli atrocities against the Palestinian Muslims not in one or two months but in several years,” he remarked.
Baitullah pledged to teach a lesson to Israel if it didn’t stop its attacks in Palestine.
Baitullah Mahsud, in the same interview, claimed that the spy network built by the US in South Waziristan had largely been neutralised to prevent drone attacks. He insisted that the missile attacks were being coordinated by the secret agencies of the US, Pakistan and Afghanistan.
The TTP leader also warned Afghan President Hamid Karzai that he would not be able to escape Taliban revenge.
Baitullah thinks that Israel is a girl school of Swat.
Saturday, January 17, 2009
PETITION
PETITION
Please Rise to the occasion and raise your voice
Militants in Swat have threatened to blow up all female schools if they are not closed by January 15, 2009 which will plunge 119248 girl students into the darkness of ignorance and render 3425 women teachers jobless. There has also been slaughtering, beheadings and extortion in the name of Islam in FATA and NWFP for the last several years. The majority of people feel besieged and thus clueless and abandoned. The threat is based on completely misguided interpretation of Islam. It is based on many implicit assumptions:
1. Sending girls to schools is against the teachings of Shariat.
2. It is also against pakhtoon code of honor
3. People who hold this view have the right to stop families sending their daughetrs to school
4. Use of violence to enforce their views is morally, legally and religiously justified
5. Fellow Muslim citizens, police and military personnel, lawmakers, law enforcement agencies, politicians and public opinion makers should support their views because they reflect the true spirit of Islam.
Closing down the schools will deprive thousands of families in the once educated and civilized society of Swat of dignity, honor and peace of mind.
We the citizens of Swat and other areas of Pakistan want to find out if our religious, political leaders, scholars, heads of political parties, public opinion makers, jurists and lawmakers are not duty bound to:
1. Clearly state their position on use of violence against violation of basic legal rights of female students in Swat.
2. Support the vulnerable, hurt and unjustly treated and innocent female students
3. Use all political, social and legal means to protect the rights of women who have been wronged without any reason.
4. Hold debate on this issue on the floor of parliament in the media and public domain to educate the public opinion.
5. Take all necessary measures to prevent Pakistan from sliding into state of complete chaos, lawlessness and anarchy.
Please Rise to the occasion and raise your voice
Militants in Swat have threatened to blow up all female schools if they are not closed by January 15, 2009 which will plunge 119248 girl students into the darkness of ignorance and render 3425 women teachers jobless. There has also been slaughtering, beheadings and extortion in the name of Islam in FATA and NWFP for the last several years. The majority of people feel besieged and thus clueless and abandoned. The threat is based on completely misguided interpretation of Islam. It is based on many implicit assumptions:
1. Sending girls to schools is against the teachings of Shariat.
2. It is also against pakhtoon code of honor
3. People who hold this view have the right to stop families sending their daughetrs to school
4. Use of violence to enforce their views is morally, legally and religiously justified
5. Fellow Muslim citizens, police and military personnel, lawmakers, law enforcement agencies, politicians and public opinion makers should support their views because they reflect the true spirit of Islam.
Closing down the schools will deprive thousands of families in the once educated and civilized society of Swat of dignity, honor and peace of mind.
We the citizens of Swat and other areas of Pakistan want to find out if our religious, political leaders, scholars, heads of political parties, public opinion makers, jurists and lawmakers are not duty bound to:
1. Clearly state their position on use of violence against violation of basic legal rights of female students in Swat.
2. Support the vulnerable, hurt and unjustly treated and innocent female students
3. Use all political, social and legal means to protect the rights of women who have been wronged without any reason.
4. Hold debate on this issue on the floor of parliament in the media and public domain to educate the public opinion.
5. Take all necessary measures to prevent Pakistan from sliding into state of complete chaos, lawlessness and anarchy.
Thursday, January 15, 2009
What afzal Khan Lala saying
Pakistan, India and Afghanistan are busy in a destructive game
Muhammad Afzal Khan Lala
At the advent of 21st century intellectuals the world over predicted that the new millennium will usher in peace, human rights and dignity of man. Mankind will show tolerance, endurance and
maturity. The man of this planet who has conquered space will be a messenger of peace to other planets. But unfortunately this century began with such chaos, wars, religious and sectarian extremism, violence, brutality, suicide bombing, and destruction that it rather disgraced humanity. There seems no end to this phony, aimless reign of terrorism.
Life has become difficult for everyone. On the one hand the civilized nations claim to conquer space and universe but their war mania has made the world a living hell for human race. The new world is like a global village. Instead of
Love, brotherhood and harmony among the nations it has segregated and distanced the nations, waging wars, creating disturbances and bringing destruction. History testifies that war cannot bring peace. The use of brutal force cannot win over nations. Human hearts and minds are won by love and persuasion. The clouds of war have endangered the human species. The sea pirates hijack ships for million dollars ransom. Kidnapping for ransom in our region has reached its climax and no one is safe in their homes and even the heavily guarded are more at risk and vulnerable. Terror reigns supreme. The close examination of these events of blood shed, terrorism and turmoil has badly affected the three neighborly countries- Pakistan, India and Afghanistan. Uncertainty is the order of the day in all the three countries. The unfortunate part of this phenomenon is that our think tanks think that these conditions are self created.
First think over it that India has never accepted the division of sub-continent since inception and is aspiring for a united India “Akand Bharat”.
The all rightwing Islamist extremists and hawkish elements in Pakistan are determined to hoist green ‘flag’ on Lal Qila. The entire world voted for Pakistan in U.N for membership except Afghanistan, Evidently they have not accepted Pakistan and Pakistan is bent upon to conquer Afghanistan under the garb of strategic depth. I wonder how they will conquer it and achieve!!??
These experienced wizards don’t think for a moment that after Independence of Pakistan and India both the governments supported secularism. Extremism, violence, sectarianism and religious divide were almost non-existent. Gandhi ji , the follower of non-violence was assassinated by a biased Hindu with the support of Muslims. In Liaqat Ali Khan’s Govt. In Pakistan Sir Zafrullah Khan a renowned Qadiani was minister for Foreign Affairs and Jagirdar Lal Mandal , a Hindu of the lowest caste(Dalit )was holding the portfolio of Law Ministry.
Analyzing the religious fanaticism and hatred in the aforementioned perspective on both sides one is busy in establishing a Hindu hegemony “Akhand Bhart” in the region and the other is obsessed with the holy idea of hoisting the green crescent flag over the red fort( Lal Qila), resultantly the secular forces were being marginalized.
India still claims to be a secular state but the Hindu religious extremist leaders dominated and eclipsed the secular policy. On the eve of partition and creation of Pakistan, religious parties of undivided India and their veteran leaders were opposed to the creation of Pakistan. Even after partition, some of the religious parties sarcastically castigated Pakistan (Land of the pure) as “Na-Pakistan” (Land of the un-pure).
The successors of these religious parties who ridiculed Pakistan as “Na -Pakistan” (Land of the ‘un-pure’) and used derogatory language against Mohammad Ali ‘Jinnah’ are now the heirs more explicitly the MAMAS (Uncles) of Pakistan insisting shamelessly that Islam is the basis of Pakistan. One wonders if their leaders were wrong. Were they against Islam!!??
Today both the nuclear powers have billions of rupees defense budget and to defeat one another are always in warlike condition. Both of them are impediments in the way of their people’s welfare due to heavy defense spending. Religious extremism dominates both the countries and disrupting peace plans. Yesterday the extremist religious forces opposed Pakistan but today they are the ‘saviors’. But the question arises who waged this war? And who is inflaming this fire?
Europe has fought hundred years’ wars for liberation of its people from the clutches of the church and feudalism.
Today for the sake of a bright future they have a single currency. They have national boundaries on papers but there is a complete freedom of movement of the people, trade and commerce in Europe. We need visa and permit to visit our brother Islamic countries.
We are notorious for intolerance towards our neighbors. Accusing each other of conspiracies while suspicions are the corner stones of our foreign policy. Economy is shattered in Pakistan and particularly in Pakhtunkhawa. The Gateway towards central Asia for international trade is closed. The worsening law and order situations and fragile economy have led to capital flight. Investors in Hayatabad “Industrial state” are compelled to shift their business from Peshawar.
What to say of the sad story of capturing international market, our inter- provincial trade is discriminatory that in Punjab the quality, quantity and price are different. If someone purchases flour at cheaper rate in Punjab for his home, the Punjab police do not allow it. The resources of Pukhtunkhwa are freely exploited by Punjab without hindrance e.g., hundreds of tucks of precious marble are daily moving towards Punjab. This is a lengthy and separate issue which I keep aside for the present. My immediate concern is to deliberate upon the prevailing differences and armed conflicts among the three neighbors. All the three are equally at fault and are faced with identical problems like Suicide, bombing, terrorists insurgency, remote control blasts etc. If we look at the terrorists activities and the relations of these three countries, they should jointly expose and stop these hidden’ hands. Although all the three countries proclaim to be allies in the ‘war on terror’ in their heads of the states meetings, parleys but in practice it is not so. All the three suspect each other. This mysterious and doubtful attitude has made the task of the terrorists easier. It is very easy for the anti-human forces to engage these three neighboring countries in permanent hostility to maximize their socio-economic crisis and thus attain maximum benefits out of this volatile situation.
I have pointed out on a number of occasions and again reiterate my stance that peace in this region without peace in Afghanistan is impossible. This viewpoint is now crystal clear because this region has turned into a battlefield of the superpowers. If somebody eyes Afghanistan through its atomic prisms aspiring to rule it as a ‘client state’ that will be a ‘strategic death’ for them. Interference of one country into the internal affairs of another country is against the basic charter of the United Nations and the policy of armed interference in Afghan affairs has affected the people of these three countries, destroying its commerce, trade and society and this is a continuous process.
What the extremists forces are doing today here and who created them and against whom – who supply them arms and ammunition and who finance them? Who pay them salaries as a regular army? This whole investment is made by these countries against one another and thus feed the snakes. These insurgencies are undesirable.
Notwithstanding the three governments’ differences, if the enlightened humanist and progressive and secular forces are consulted, they will support peace efforts for the better future of the people of this region.
I as a Pakhtun nationalist finally believe that if internally the oppressed nations are given autonomy and externally the Pakistan, Afghanistan and India foil conspiracies and formulate a joint strategy to root out terrorism, peace can be restored.
I firmly claim that this is not a matter of years but days to resolve this issue if there is a will to do it. The fish cannot survive without water – same is true about the terrorists and extremists. If their funding is stopped and the three neighbors evolve a joint mechanism to combat terrorism, there is no justification for war. The accusations and suspicions will cease and as Europe and America have succeeded in the dominating the global economy, market, Asia will be second to none.
At the end, I appeal the nations of the world to help us in restoration of peace for the betterment of mankind. I especially appeal all Pukhtoon Afghans to stop this aimless war as this region needs peace more than any one!!
(This essay was written in Pashto language by Khan lala and translated by Akhtar Muneer Bacha, Zar ali musazai and Idrees Kamal)
Muhammad Afzal Khan Lala
At the advent of 21st century intellectuals the world over predicted that the new millennium will usher in peace, human rights and dignity of man. Mankind will show tolerance, endurance and
maturity. The man of this planet who has conquered space will be a messenger of peace to other planets. But unfortunately this century began with such chaos, wars, religious and sectarian extremism, violence, brutality, suicide bombing, and destruction that it rather disgraced humanity. There seems no end to this phony, aimless reign of terrorism.
Life has become difficult for everyone. On the one hand the civilized nations claim to conquer space and universe but their war mania has made the world a living hell for human race. The new world is like a global village. Instead of
Love, brotherhood and harmony among the nations it has segregated and distanced the nations, waging wars, creating disturbances and bringing destruction. History testifies that war cannot bring peace. The use of brutal force cannot win over nations. Human hearts and minds are won by love and persuasion. The clouds of war have endangered the human species. The sea pirates hijack ships for million dollars ransom. Kidnapping for ransom in our region has reached its climax and no one is safe in their homes and even the heavily guarded are more at risk and vulnerable. Terror reigns supreme. The close examination of these events of blood shed, terrorism and turmoil has badly affected the three neighborly countries- Pakistan, India and Afghanistan. Uncertainty is the order of the day in all the three countries. The unfortunate part of this phenomenon is that our think tanks think that these conditions are self created.
First think over it that India has never accepted the division of sub-continent since inception and is aspiring for a united India “Akand Bharat”.
The all rightwing Islamist extremists and hawkish elements in Pakistan are determined to hoist green ‘flag’ on Lal Qila. The entire world voted for Pakistan in U.N for membership except Afghanistan, Evidently they have not accepted Pakistan and Pakistan is bent upon to conquer Afghanistan under the garb of strategic depth. I wonder how they will conquer it and achieve!!??
These experienced wizards don’t think for a moment that after Independence of Pakistan and India both the governments supported secularism. Extremism, violence, sectarianism and religious divide were almost non-existent. Gandhi ji , the follower of non-violence was assassinated by a biased Hindu with the support of Muslims. In Liaqat Ali Khan’s Govt. In Pakistan Sir Zafrullah Khan a renowned Qadiani was minister for Foreign Affairs and Jagirdar Lal Mandal , a Hindu of the lowest caste(Dalit )was holding the portfolio of Law Ministry.
Analyzing the religious fanaticism and hatred in the aforementioned perspective on both sides one is busy in establishing a Hindu hegemony “Akhand Bhart” in the region and the other is obsessed with the holy idea of hoisting the green crescent flag over the red fort( Lal Qila), resultantly the secular forces were being marginalized.
India still claims to be a secular state but the Hindu religious extremist leaders dominated and eclipsed the secular policy. On the eve of partition and creation of Pakistan, religious parties of undivided India and their veteran leaders were opposed to the creation of Pakistan. Even after partition, some of the religious parties sarcastically castigated Pakistan (Land of the pure) as “Na-Pakistan” (Land of the un-pure).
The successors of these religious parties who ridiculed Pakistan as “Na -Pakistan” (Land of the ‘un-pure’) and used derogatory language against Mohammad Ali ‘Jinnah’ are now the heirs more explicitly the MAMAS (Uncles) of Pakistan insisting shamelessly that Islam is the basis of Pakistan. One wonders if their leaders were wrong. Were they against Islam!!??
Today both the nuclear powers have billions of rupees defense budget and to defeat one another are always in warlike condition. Both of them are impediments in the way of their people’s welfare due to heavy defense spending. Religious extremism dominates both the countries and disrupting peace plans. Yesterday the extremist religious forces opposed Pakistan but today they are the ‘saviors’. But the question arises who waged this war? And who is inflaming this fire?
Europe has fought hundred years’ wars for liberation of its people from the clutches of the church and feudalism.
Today for the sake of a bright future they have a single currency. They have national boundaries on papers but there is a complete freedom of movement of the people, trade and commerce in Europe. We need visa and permit to visit our brother Islamic countries.
We are notorious for intolerance towards our neighbors. Accusing each other of conspiracies while suspicions are the corner stones of our foreign policy. Economy is shattered in Pakistan and particularly in Pakhtunkhawa. The Gateway towards central Asia for international trade is closed. The worsening law and order situations and fragile economy have led to capital flight. Investors in Hayatabad “Industrial state” are compelled to shift their business from Peshawar.
What to say of the sad story of capturing international market, our inter- provincial trade is discriminatory that in Punjab the quality, quantity and price are different. If someone purchases flour at cheaper rate in Punjab for his home, the Punjab police do not allow it. The resources of Pukhtunkhwa are freely exploited by Punjab without hindrance e.g., hundreds of tucks of precious marble are daily moving towards Punjab. This is a lengthy and separate issue which I keep aside for the present. My immediate concern is to deliberate upon the prevailing differences and armed conflicts among the three neighbors. All the three are equally at fault and are faced with identical problems like Suicide, bombing, terrorists insurgency, remote control blasts etc. If we look at the terrorists activities and the relations of these three countries, they should jointly expose and stop these hidden’ hands. Although all the three countries proclaim to be allies in the ‘war on terror’ in their heads of the states meetings, parleys but in practice it is not so. All the three suspect each other. This mysterious and doubtful attitude has made the task of the terrorists easier. It is very easy for the anti-human forces to engage these three neighboring countries in permanent hostility to maximize their socio-economic crisis and thus attain maximum benefits out of this volatile situation.
I have pointed out on a number of occasions and again reiterate my stance that peace in this region without peace in Afghanistan is impossible. This viewpoint is now crystal clear because this region has turned into a battlefield of the superpowers. If somebody eyes Afghanistan through its atomic prisms aspiring to rule it as a ‘client state’ that will be a ‘strategic death’ for them. Interference of one country into the internal affairs of another country is against the basic charter of the United Nations and the policy of armed interference in Afghan affairs has affected the people of these three countries, destroying its commerce, trade and society and this is a continuous process.
What the extremists forces are doing today here and who created them and against whom – who supply them arms and ammunition and who finance them? Who pay them salaries as a regular army? This whole investment is made by these countries against one another and thus feed the snakes. These insurgencies are undesirable.
Notwithstanding the three governments’ differences, if the enlightened humanist and progressive and secular forces are consulted, they will support peace efforts for the better future of the people of this region.
I as a Pakhtun nationalist finally believe that if internally the oppressed nations are given autonomy and externally the Pakistan, Afghanistan and India foil conspiracies and formulate a joint strategy to root out terrorism, peace can be restored.
I firmly claim that this is not a matter of years but days to resolve this issue if there is a will to do it. The fish cannot survive without water – same is true about the terrorists and extremists. If their funding is stopped and the three neighbors evolve a joint mechanism to combat terrorism, there is no justification for war. The accusations and suspicions will cease and as Europe and America have succeeded in the dominating the global economy, market, Asia will be second to none.
At the end, I appeal the nations of the world to help us in restoration of peace for the betterment of mankind. I especially appeal all Pukhtoon Afghans to stop this aimless war as this region needs peace more than any one!!
(This essay was written in Pashto language by Khan lala and translated by Akhtar Muneer Bacha, Zar ali musazai and Idrees Kamal)
The Pakhtun, the Taliban and ignorant outsiders
The Pakhtun, the Taliban and ignorant outsiders
The News, January 15, 2009
Farhat Taj
The Pakhtun are caught up in one of the most difficult times of their history. The Taliban are aggressively attacking their lives, livelihoods, culture and history. Pakistan army, the defender of the frontiers of Pakistan, including the Pakhtun areas, is failing to protect them against the atrocities of the Taliban. Some influential outsiders continue to depict in media that the Pakhtun and Taliban are one and the same people. The outsiders have almost no or at best a superficial knowledge of the history and culture of the Pakhtun. Most of them never even care to come to the Pakhtun areas to see the realities of the people with their own eyes and still they believe themselves to be authorities on the Pakhtun. They seem to take pride in their ignorance about the Pakhtun. They do not even care to check the bases of their arguments in media discussions against the culture, history and current realities of the Pakhtun.
One such outsider is Dr AQ Khan who expresses views on Pakhtun that have nothing to do with their current realities, culture and history. An example of this is his article 'Grassroot Causes' in your newspaper dated 24 December 2008.
Dr AQ Khan portrays the Pakhtun and the Taliban as one and the same people. Actually the Pakhtun and the Taliban are not the same people. The Pakhtun belong to the areas that are presently known as NWFP, FATA, parts of Baluchistan and southern and eastern parts of Afghanistan. They are culturally, historically and geographically a homogeneous group of people. The Taliban are culturally, historically and geographically a diverse mix of different ethnic groups-the Pakhtun, Punjabis, Uzbeks, Tajiks, Arabs, Africans and even Europeans, both ethnic and Muslim immigrants. They have established bases in the Pakhtun areas because they (and their predecessors, the Mujaheedin) have been facilitated by the intelligence agencies of Pakistan to do so. The Taliban generate their revenue by relentlessly kidnapping affluent Pakhtun for ransom. They have imposed a savage social order, completely different from the Pakhtun social order, in the areas that Pakistan army have surrendered to them, i.e. several parts of the tribal areas and some parts of NWFP, including the beautiful valley of Swat. Many Pakhtun also believe that various groups of the Taliban are funded by the intelligence agency of Pakistan, i.e. the ISI and foreign agencies, like the Indian RAW, the American CIA, etc.
Dr AQ Khan advocates a dialogue with the Taliban to bring peace in the Pakhtun areas of Pakistan. A dialogue can only be successful if it stands on mutually respected ground between the two parties. In this case the common ground can be the law of Pakistan, the Code of Pakhtunwali and Islam. The Taliban respect neither of the three.
The Taliban have no respect for the law of Pakistan. There is abundant proof of it in their attacks on the security forces, destruction of infrastructure including bridges, hospitals and education institutions etc. Some of my friends who have had face to face discussions with foot soldiers of the Taliban informed that the Taliban do not accept the authority of the law of Pakistan. The Taliban have no respect for the code of Pakhtunwali. The most revered institution under the code is jirga. Even the mighty empires that the Pakhtun resisted- the Muslim Mughal Empire and the non Muslim British Empire did not violate the respect of jirga- I do not know of any attacks on jirga that were carried out by the Mughals and the British. The Taliban have repeatedly bombed jirgas all across NWFP and FATA. The code of Pakhtunwali dictates that there shall be no attacks on women and children. The Taliban have repeatedly violated the dictate by brutally killing women and children. The Taliban have violated the respected norms of Islam. Islam never justifies any disrespect of dead bodies. The Taliban takes pride in their humiliation of dead bodies. Islam orders every Muslim man and woman to get education. The Taliban forbid education for both girls and boys. In Islam there is no compulsion in religion. The Taliban imposed their version of the religion through terror and violence. How can there be a dialogue in such conditions with the Taliban. It is perhaps due to the lack of mutually respected grounds that almost all agreements between the Taliban and the Pakistan army fell apart.
Does Dr Khan know that Taliban are preventing the Pakhtun, in the areas that have been surrendered by Pakistan army, from integration into the state system? There are many examples of this. The latest example happened in North Waziristan where the Taliban recently stopped women from making Computerized National Identity Cards, CNIDC, with NADRA. The women had wished to enroll themselves in Benazir Income Support Program. As a precondition for the enrollment, they have to have CNIDC.
People of FATA had always seen the most oppressive and cruel face of the state of Pakistan. It happens rarely that they see the benevolent face of the state. They always happily welcome this face of the state. The Benazir Income Support Program is one of the rare opportunities to see the benevolent faces of the state. Many women in Waziristan welcome it. The enlargement of the Benazir Income Support Program to North Waziristan also shows that the state has some wish to integrate the tribal people into the its system. The local Taliban in Waziristan are preventing this integration. Those Taliban have signed a peace agreement with Pakistan army almost two years ago.
People in Waziristan and the Pakhtun in general want the Pakistan army to make the contents of their agreement with Taliban open to public. They want to know whether the agreement contain the condition that the Taliban will be free to prevent poor people of Waziristan from getting lawful benefits from state sponsored programs like the Benazir Income Support Program. If the agreement does not contain any such conditions, would Pakistan army care to tell the people of Pakistan why are the Taliban preventing the poor women of Waziristan from integration into the state system? Is there any one in Pakistan-in the government, media and the military establishment- to explain why are the Taliban stopping women from making national ID cards and what is being done to halt highhandedness of the Taliban? Would Dr. AQ Khan, a supporter of the Taliban, care to ask the Taliban, on behalf of the poor Pakhtun women, why have the women been deprived from making national ID cards and getting some financial benefits from the state?
Dr AQ Khan wrote: 'If we allow them (America) to enter our country/tribal areas, they will bribe/buy some traitors with green cards and greenbacks'.
The Americans do not need to offer green cards, green dollars or other kinds of bribes to the Pakhtun. Both Taliban and Pakistan army have created catastrophic conditions in terms of human rights. This may soon force the Pakhtun to be open to help from any where in order to survive. Thus tens of people of Swat told me they pray after every namaz for the US drones to fall on the headquarters of the Swat Taliban. 'Because Pakistan army has failed to eliminate the Swat Taliban, we would be happy if the American send their drones to do the job', many Swatis told me. Contrary to the wide spread believe in the wider Pakistani society, many people of Waziristan are satisfied with the US drone attacks on the militants in Waziristan. Both the Swatis and the people of Waziristan have one regret though: the American are doing the 'duty' (target killing of the militants) of Pakistan army. They said they would love to see Pakistan army eliminate the militants in precisely targeted operations. Pakistan army, they said, has so far proved to be unwilling or unable to decisively deal with the Taliban. The Taliban have created 'hell like conditions' in the words of a man, in the areas surrendered by Pakistan army to them. The terrorized Pakhtun of the areas have increasingly begun to look in their prayers towards anyone, the Americans or the devils, as one woman put it for help.
Dr AQ Khan has a right to support anyone he likes, even the Taliban, the murderers of the Pakhtun. However, as a Pakhtun I believe he has no right to float pro-Taliban suggestions that depict complete disrespect to the sensitivities of the Pakhtun, terrorized and traumatized, in the words of many tribesman and women, by the aggressive Taliban and passive Pakistan army.
The writer is a research fellow at the Centre for Interdisciplinary Gender Research, University of Oslo. Email: bergen34@yahoo.com
The News, January 15, 2009
Farhat Taj
The Pakhtun are caught up in one of the most difficult times of their history. The Taliban are aggressively attacking their lives, livelihoods, culture and history. Pakistan army, the defender of the frontiers of Pakistan, including the Pakhtun areas, is failing to protect them against the atrocities of the Taliban. Some influential outsiders continue to depict in media that the Pakhtun and Taliban are one and the same people. The outsiders have almost no or at best a superficial knowledge of the history and culture of the Pakhtun. Most of them never even care to come to the Pakhtun areas to see the realities of the people with their own eyes and still they believe themselves to be authorities on the Pakhtun. They seem to take pride in their ignorance about the Pakhtun. They do not even care to check the bases of their arguments in media discussions against the culture, history and current realities of the Pakhtun.
One such outsider is Dr AQ Khan who expresses views on Pakhtun that have nothing to do with their current realities, culture and history. An example of this is his article 'Grassroot Causes' in your newspaper dated 24 December 2008.
Dr AQ Khan portrays the Pakhtun and the Taliban as one and the same people. Actually the Pakhtun and the Taliban are not the same people. The Pakhtun belong to the areas that are presently known as NWFP, FATA, parts of Baluchistan and southern and eastern parts of Afghanistan. They are culturally, historically and geographically a homogeneous group of people. The Taliban are culturally, historically and geographically a diverse mix of different ethnic groups-the Pakhtun, Punjabis, Uzbeks, Tajiks, Arabs, Africans and even Europeans, both ethnic and Muslim immigrants. They have established bases in the Pakhtun areas because they (and their predecessors, the Mujaheedin) have been facilitated by the intelligence agencies of Pakistan to do so. The Taliban generate their revenue by relentlessly kidnapping affluent Pakhtun for ransom. They have imposed a savage social order, completely different from the Pakhtun social order, in the areas that Pakistan army have surrendered to them, i.e. several parts of the tribal areas and some parts of NWFP, including the beautiful valley of Swat. Many Pakhtun also believe that various groups of the Taliban are funded by the intelligence agency of Pakistan, i.e. the ISI and foreign agencies, like the Indian RAW, the American CIA, etc.
Dr AQ Khan advocates a dialogue with the Taliban to bring peace in the Pakhtun areas of Pakistan. A dialogue can only be successful if it stands on mutually respected ground between the two parties. In this case the common ground can be the law of Pakistan, the Code of Pakhtunwali and Islam. The Taliban respect neither of the three.
The Taliban have no respect for the law of Pakistan. There is abundant proof of it in their attacks on the security forces, destruction of infrastructure including bridges, hospitals and education institutions etc. Some of my friends who have had face to face discussions with foot soldiers of the Taliban informed that the Taliban do not accept the authority of the law of Pakistan. The Taliban have no respect for the code of Pakhtunwali. The most revered institution under the code is jirga. Even the mighty empires that the Pakhtun resisted- the Muslim Mughal Empire and the non Muslim British Empire did not violate the respect of jirga- I do not know of any attacks on jirga that were carried out by the Mughals and the British. The Taliban have repeatedly bombed jirgas all across NWFP and FATA. The code of Pakhtunwali dictates that there shall be no attacks on women and children. The Taliban have repeatedly violated the dictate by brutally killing women and children. The Taliban have violated the respected norms of Islam. Islam never justifies any disrespect of dead bodies. The Taliban takes pride in their humiliation of dead bodies. Islam orders every Muslim man and woman to get education. The Taliban forbid education for both girls and boys. In Islam there is no compulsion in religion. The Taliban imposed their version of the religion through terror and violence. How can there be a dialogue in such conditions with the Taliban. It is perhaps due to the lack of mutually respected grounds that almost all agreements between the Taliban and the Pakistan army fell apart.
Does Dr Khan know that Taliban are preventing the Pakhtun, in the areas that have been surrendered by Pakistan army, from integration into the state system? There are many examples of this. The latest example happened in North Waziristan where the Taliban recently stopped women from making Computerized National Identity Cards, CNIDC, with NADRA. The women had wished to enroll themselves in Benazir Income Support Program. As a precondition for the enrollment, they have to have CNIDC.
People of FATA had always seen the most oppressive and cruel face of the state of Pakistan. It happens rarely that they see the benevolent face of the state. They always happily welcome this face of the state. The Benazir Income Support Program is one of the rare opportunities to see the benevolent faces of the state. Many women in Waziristan welcome it. The enlargement of the Benazir Income Support Program to North Waziristan also shows that the state has some wish to integrate the tribal people into the its system. The local Taliban in Waziristan are preventing this integration. Those Taliban have signed a peace agreement with Pakistan army almost two years ago.
People in Waziristan and the Pakhtun in general want the Pakistan army to make the contents of their agreement with Taliban open to public. They want to know whether the agreement contain the condition that the Taliban will be free to prevent poor people of Waziristan from getting lawful benefits from state sponsored programs like the Benazir Income Support Program. If the agreement does not contain any such conditions, would Pakistan army care to tell the people of Pakistan why are the Taliban preventing the poor women of Waziristan from integration into the state system? Is there any one in Pakistan-in the government, media and the military establishment- to explain why are the Taliban stopping women from making national ID cards and what is being done to halt highhandedness of the Taliban? Would Dr. AQ Khan, a supporter of the Taliban, care to ask the Taliban, on behalf of the poor Pakhtun women, why have the women been deprived from making national ID cards and getting some financial benefits from the state?
Dr AQ Khan wrote: 'If we allow them (America) to enter our country/tribal areas, they will bribe/buy some traitors with green cards and greenbacks'.
The Americans do not need to offer green cards, green dollars or other kinds of bribes to the Pakhtun. Both Taliban and Pakistan army have created catastrophic conditions in terms of human rights. This may soon force the Pakhtun to be open to help from any where in order to survive. Thus tens of people of Swat told me they pray after every namaz for the US drones to fall on the headquarters of the Swat Taliban. 'Because Pakistan army has failed to eliminate the Swat Taliban, we would be happy if the American send their drones to do the job', many Swatis told me. Contrary to the wide spread believe in the wider Pakistani society, many people of Waziristan are satisfied with the US drone attacks on the militants in Waziristan. Both the Swatis and the people of Waziristan have one regret though: the American are doing the 'duty' (target killing of the militants) of Pakistan army. They said they would love to see Pakistan army eliminate the militants in precisely targeted operations. Pakistan army, they said, has so far proved to be unwilling or unable to decisively deal with the Taliban. The Taliban have created 'hell like conditions' in the words of a man, in the areas surrendered by Pakistan army to them. The terrorized Pakhtun of the areas have increasingly begun to look in their prayers towards anyone, the Americans or the devils, as one woman put it for help.
Dr AQ Khan has a right to support anyone he likes, even the Taliban, the murderers of the Pakhtun. However, as a Pakhtun I believe he has no right to float pro-Taliban suggestions that depict complete disrespect to the sensitivities of the Pakhtun, terrorized and traumatized, in the words of many tribesman and women, by the aggressive Taliban and passive Pakistan army.
The writer is a research fellow at the Centre for Interdisciplinary Gender Research, University of Oslo. Email: bergen34@yahoo.com
Wednesday, January 14, 2009
Swat's burning questions
Swat's burning questions
The News, January 14, 2009
Nasim Zehra
In Swat terror and fear are spreading. Government employees, including policemen, teachers and LHVs, walk around with resignations in their hands. In case they are accosted by armed militants opposed to the government and to women working they can produce these resignations to avoid being kidnapped, killed or punished. To avoid becoming targets of militants' wrath the LHVs are announcing through advertisements in local newspapers like Azadi that they have resigned.
People are terrorised. In addition to occasional high-profile political killings, in about the last three weeks targeted killings have also begun. The militants are killing people, slitting their heads and then keep their heads on their bodies and order that no one remove the bodies before midday. Policemen, social activists, ordinary citizens, political people and citizens have been killed.
Even in Mingora city people at work lock their doors.
Terrorised by the deteriorating security conditions at least 200,000 of Swat's 1.7 million population have left Swat. The local influentials who can financially and socially afford the exit option have exited. Major political families from Swat, including that of an ANP provincial minister from Matta, the Nazim of Swat's family and families of most ANP and PML-Q elected representatives. Union council ward level officeholders are giving in their resignations.
The civil administration, even in urban Swat, including Mingora, Kuzabandi, Imamdheri, Chaharbagh, Barikot and Saidu Sharif, is non-existent.
Curfew is imposed on Swat between 10 p.m. and 6 a.m. From 11 a.m. to 4 p.m., the army and whatever is left of the police, is present in the city. At sundown for fear of travelling in the dark people begin heading home. Even in the army's presence people are scared. Journalists operate in total fear. According to one: "I have fear that if I talk to anyone it may go to the militants."
Burning of schools was unheard of in Swat and over 200 have been torched. The main source of livelihood for the locals, hotel and tourism, is at a complete standstill, if not almost destroyed.
In this acutely volatile and deteriorating security situation people's mobility is greatly restricted. Main bridges and main roads are either closed down or with excessive security checking vehicles' movement takes place at snail's pace. People complain that check posts are set up merely add to people's inconvenience without ever nabbing any militants.
Movement to Mingora from Matta and Khawaza khela is impossibly tedious. Similarly, movement on the Sangota side from Shangal to Khawaza Khela and from Mingora to Kalam valley has also become very difficult, especially after the suicide bombing.
The question that most residents of Swat may well ask is what, after all, has the army's presence done for the security of the locals? Despite the army's presence the situation has deteriorated. The army maintains the ANP's post-election accord with the militants gave them time to regroup and re-strengthen themselves.
The ANP also maintains the negotiations did not succeed because the army did not let the ANP honour the agreements in the accord. For example, release of militants. The army was dead against release of "criminals." The ANP recalls release of militants by the army to secure release of its own soldiers captured by militants in Waziristan. The army leadership also cynically questioned how those who were killing civilians would help the civilian administration "uphold the writ of the State."
The ANP believes, and perhaps correctly, that as a political force it had to give dialogue a chance. However, that dialogue has not yielded peace. The Army and ANP's inability to devise a unified approach towards dialogue must have contributed to the strengthening of the militants. Meanwhile, the non-political locals, including social activists, media personnel and influentials who were mindful of their own experiences, were complaining since the beginning of 2008 that the militants have an agenda which they will not give up as part of any peace deal with the ANP. They wanted closure of schools, women being kept away from any public space including schools. Throughout 2008 many complained the militants strengthened themselves. Weapons gathering by the militants was unstoppable, as was their free movement in and around and to and from Swat. In Swat people kept complaining that weapons were flowing into the city, but no one stopped the flow.
They complain the ANP never understood the nature of the problem while the army never went after them but in a half-hearted manner. Militants kept expanding influence, beyond Matta. Many complain that with two army check posts the militants moved freely between them.
Many argue that the army's strategy has never made sense to the locals because they have never managed to weaken the militants. For example, the army had people vacate Kuzabanday and Kabal. Then they bombarded their houses. There were minimal casualties and after the operation essentially the militants walked away, intact and undiminished. The population returned to the destroyed houses.
Some cynics complain the army is standing there and mostly protecting the militants. "When the army is there and the militants there too, but no action taken against the militants. What should we understand?" complained a resident from Swat now in Islamabad.
The army, many from Swat now in Peshawar complain, did not protect those who stood up against the Taliban. For example, a Khan near Peuchaar, who was opposed to the Taliban about two weeks ago. Five hundred Taliban surrounded his house. He and his son fought them through the night and then were finally killed. The calls to the army for help went unheard. The Army was stationed a couple of miles away.
Similarly there are other stories that the locals narrate. For example, about the Gujjars fighting the militants and the army, which was only 200-300 yards away, not protecting them. The army present told the Gujjars we have no orders so we cannot fight. Hence the Gujjar community opposed the militants and they were killed because the army provided them no protection and no support. Two or three weeks ago the local Peer was killed. He opposed the militants, and they killed him. After he was buried by his own people, the militants came and pulled his body out of the grave and hung it. The army was a few hundred yards away and calls were being made for help.
Public conjectures are endless and varied: the army has no will to go after the militants, the ANP is following the American line, the army and the militants are one, the army is trapping the ANP, the Police, the FC and the local citizens are being killed while the army is safe, if the army leaves the locals can make compromises with the militants and be in peace, the army is anyway scared of the militants; is it "scared" because it fears casualties, it does not understand the nature of the threat, etc.
Clearly the Pakistanis of Swat have zero faith in the institutions of their own country. Can we blame them?
The writer is an Islamabad-based security analyst. Email: nasimzehra@hotmail.com
The News, January 14, 2009
Nasim Zehra
In Swat terror and fear are spreading. Government employees, including policemen, teachers and LHVs, walk around with resignations in their hands. In case they are accosted by armed militants opposed to the government and to women working they can produce these resignations to avoid being kidnapped, killed or punished. To avoid becoming targets of militants' wrath the LHVs are announcing through advertisements in local newspapers like Azadi that they have resigned.
People are terrorised. In addition to occasional high-profile political killings, in about the last three weeks targeted killings have also begun. The militants are killing people, slitting their heads and then keep their heads on their bodies and order that no one remove the bodies before midday. Policemen, social activists, ordinary citizens, political people and citizens have been killed.
Even in Mingora city people at work lock their doors.
Terrorised by the deteriorating security conditions at least 200,000 of Swat's 1.7 million population have left Swat. The local influentials who can financially and socially afford the exit option have exited. Major political families from Swat, including that of an ANP provincial minister from Matta, the Nazim of Swat's family and families of most ANP and PML-Q elected representatives. Union council ward level officeholders are giving in their resignations.
The civil administration, even in urban Swat, including Mingora, Kuzabandi, Imamdheri, Chaharbagh, Barikot and Saidu Sharif, is non-existent.
Curfew is imposed on Swat between 10 p.m. and 6 a.m. From 11 a.m. to 4 p.m., the army and whatever is left of the police, is present in the city. At sundown for fear of travelling in the dark people begin heading home. Even in the army's presence people are scared. Journalists operate in total fear. According to one: "I have fear that if I talk to anyone it may go to the militants."
Burning of schools was unheard of in Swat and over 200 have been torched. The main source of livelihood for the locals, hotel and tourism, is at a complete standstill, if not almost destroyed.
In this acutely volatile and deteriorating security situation people's mobility is greatly restricted. Main bridges and main roads are either closed down or with excessive security checking vehicles' movement takes place at snail's pace. People complain that check posts are set up merely add to people's inconvenience without ever nabbing any militants.
Movement to Mingora from Matta and Khawaza khela is impossibly tedious. Similarly, movement on the Sangota side from Shangal to Khawaza Khela and from Mingora to Kalam valley has also become very difficult, especially after the suicide bombing.
The question that most residents of Swat may well ask is what, after all, has the army's presence done for the security of the locals? Despite the army's presence the situation has deteriorated. The army maintains the ANP's post-election accord with the militants gave them time to regroup and re-strengthen themselves.
The ANP also maintains the negotiations did not succeed because the army did not let the ANP honour the agreements in the accord. For example, release of militants. The army was dead against release of "criminals." The ANP recalls release of militants by the army to secure release of its own soldiers captured by militants in Waziristan. The army leadership also cynically questioned how those who were killing civilians would help the civilian administration "uphold the writ of the State."
The ANP believes, and perhaps correctly, that as a political force it had to give dialogue a chance. However, that dialogue has not yielded peace. The Army and ANP's inability to devise a unified approach towards dialogue must have contributed to the strengthening of the militants. Meanwhile, the non-political locals, including social activists, media personnel and influentials who were mindful of their own experiences, were complaining since the beginning of 2008 that the militants have an agenda which they will not give up as part of any peace deal with the ANP. They wanted closure of schools, women being kept away from any public space including schools. Throughout 2008 many complained the militants strengthened themselves. Weapons gathering by the militants was unstoppable, as was their free movement in and around and to and from Swat. In Swat people kept complaining that weapons were flowing into the city, but no one stopped the flow.
They complain the ANP never understood the nature of the problem while the army never went after them but in a half-hearted manner. Militants kept expanding influence, beyond Matta. Many complain that with two army check posts the militants moved freely between them.
Many argue that the army's strategy has never made sense to the locals because they have never managed to weaken the militants. For example, the army had people vacate Kuzabanday and Kabal. Then they bombarded their houses. There were minimal casualties and after the operation essentially the militants walked away, intact and undiminished. The population returned to the destroyed houses.
Some cynics complain the army is standing there and mostly protecting the militants. "When the army is there and the militants there too, but no action taken against the militants. What should we understand?" complained a resident from Swat now in Islamabad.
The army, many from Swat now in Peshawar complain, did not protect those who stood up against the Taliban. For example, a Khan near Peuchaar, who was opposed to the Taliban about two weeks ago. Five hundred Taliban surrounded his house. He and his son fought them through the night and then were finally killed. The calls to the army for help went unheard. The Army was stationed a couple of miles away.
Similarly there are other stories that the locals narrate. For example, about the Gujjars fighting the militants and the army, which was only 200-300 yards away, not protecting them. The army present told the Gujjars we have no orders so we cannot fight. Hence the Gujjar community opposed the militants and they were killed because the army provided them no protection and no support. Two or three weeks ago the local Peer was killed. He opposed the militants, and they killed him. After he was buried by his own people, the militants came and pulled his body out of the grave and hung it. The army was a few hundred yards away and calls were being made for help.
Public conjectures are endless and varied: the army has no will to go after the militants, the ANP is following the American line, the army and the militants are one, the army is trapping the ANP, the Police, the FC and the local citizens are being killed while the army is safe, if the army leaves the locals can make compromises with the militants and be in peace, the army is anyway scared of the militants; is it "scared" because it fears casualties, it does not understand the nature of the threat, etc.
Clearly the Pakistanis of Swat have zero faith in the institutions of their own country. Can we blame them?
The writer is an Islamabad-based security analyst. Email: nasimzehra@hotmail.com
Thursday, January 08, 2009
From Swat – with no love
The News
Thursday, January 08, 2009
Zubair Torwali
The main town of Swat, Mingora, has now virtually fallen to the militants. The police are escorted by army officials and come out from their ‘hide-outs’ only for a couple of hours. One of the busiest squares, Grain chowk, was renamed by the shopkeepers as ‘Khooni chowk’ because when they come to their shops in the morning on each day they find four or five dead bodies hung over the poles or the trees. They see dead bodies scattered along the foot path in the morning. The bodies are usually headless. The practice goes thus with an average of four deaths daily in the square. Similarly on each morning there are found bodies with their throats slit in Qambar, Kabal, Matta, Khawza Khela and Charbagh. This practice has been going on for weeks; and unfortunately does not seem to stop.
Jan 15 is the deadline set by the militants to close all schools, especially those of girls. As the deadline approaches people are getting more and more terrified. The government’s writ is all but absent. Nazims have been killed, women are not allowed to visit bazaars (which are deserted), NGOs have stopped working and children play a ‘Fauji Taliban’ game. The people live a miserable life in the cold. Most bridges have been damaged and beyond the main town phones have been dead for months. Most people live in darkness at night because the fighting has badly affected the power infrastructure as well.
Curfew is imposed constraining the people inside for days on end. And security forces personnel sometimes fire indiscriminately. The residents can do nothing – they cannot protest against the high-handedness of the military or stand up to the militants. The Taliban gain from strength to strength, partly aided by the use of FM radio. Various checkposts set up by the security forces seem to be no little use. Scores of militants entered Kalam last week in spite of six checkposts set up from from Bagh Dahri to Bahrain. It is quite clear that for now the victors in the war are the Taliban – and the losers the people of Swat.
But who cares about that in the rest of the country. The government seems too busy dealing with the aftermath of the Mumbai carnage. That said, the predicament of the people of Swat is worse than even of the people of Gaza. In Gaza the enemy is well known but in Swat the people know not who the enemy is and whom to hold responsible.
The civil society of any country is regarded as a great force to mobilize the general public against the violation of civil rights and liberty. It is considered as a bulwark against the violation of human rights. It is deemed as the upholder of people’s rights where the state fails to deliver. Its mettle was tested in the lawyers’ movement but we in Swat wonder why it is silent now? We hear no voice raise against the atrocities committed in Swat. No civil society organization has its voice against the plight of the women and children in Swat. We have not seen a single demonstration in the big cities against the monster of militancy in Swat, or in FATA for that matter. The media also seems apathetic about the plight. The print media does well to some extent but their scope is limited.
The people of Swat ask you to come out on their behalf and mobilize the general public against the war tearing the valley. We implore you to come out of your drawing rooms and stage protests so that the government does something about our plight.
The writer is a social activist who lives in Swat. Email: angeltorwali @gmail.com
Thursday, January 08, 2009
Zubair Torwali
The main town of Swat, Mingora, has now virtually fallen to the militants. The police are escorted by army officials and come out from their ‘hide-outs’ only for a couple of hours. One of the busiest squares, Grain chowk, was renamed by the shopkeepers as ‘Khooni chowk’ because when they come to their shops in the morning on each day they find four or five dead bodies hung over the poles or the trees. They see dead bodies scattered along the foot path in the morning. The bodies are usually headless. The practice goes thus with an average of four deaths daily in the square. Similarly on each morning there are found bodies with their throats slit in Qambar, Kabal, Matta, Khawza Khela and Charbagh. This practice has been going on for weeks; and unfortunately does not seem to stop.
Jan 15 is the deadline set by the militants to close all schools, especially those of girls. As the deadline approaches people are getting more and more terrified. The government’s writ is all but absent. Nazims have been killed, women are not allowed to visit bazaars (which are deserted), NGOs have stopped working and children play a ‘Fauji Taliban’ game. The people live a miserable life in the cold. Most bridges have been damaged and beyond the main town phones have been dead for months. Most people live in darkness at night because the fighting has badly affected the power infrastructure as well.
Curfew is imposed constraining the people inside for days on end. And security forces personnel sometimes fire indiscriminately. The residents can do nothing – they cannot protest against the high-handedness of the military or stand up to the militants. The Taliban gain from strength to strength, partly aided by the use of FM radio. Various checkposts set up by the security forces seem to be no little use. Scores of militants entered Kalam last week in spite of six checkposts set up from from Bagh Dahri to Bahrain. It is quite clear that for now the victors in the war are the Taliban – and the losers the people of Swat.
But who cares about that in the rest of the country. The government seems too busy dealing with the aftermath of the Mumbai carnage. That said, the predicament of the people of Swat is worse than even of the people of Gaza. In Gaza the enemy is well known but in Swat the people know not who the enemy is and whom to hold responsible.
The civil society of any country is regarded as a great force to mobilize the general public against the violation of civil rights and liberty. It is considered as a bulwark against the violation of human rights. It is deemed as the upholder of people’s rights where the state fails to deliver. Its mettle was tested in the lawyers’ movement but we in Swat wonder why it is silent now? We hear no voice raise against the atrocities committed in Swat. No civil society organization has its voice against the plight of the women and children in Swat. We have not seen a single demonstration in the big cities against the monster of militancy in Swat, or in FATA for that matter. The media also seems apathetic about the plight. The print media does well to some extent but their scope is limited.
The people of Swat ask you to come out on their behalf and mobilize the general public against the war tearing the valley. We implore you to come out of your drawing rooms and stage protests so that the government does something about our plight.
The writer is a social activist who lives in Swat. Email: angeltorwali @gmail.com
Wednesday, January 07, 2009
Long Live Pashtunistan
http://the-redpill.blogspot.com/
Long Live Pashtunistan
Earlier in my blog, I offered my respect to the Kashmiri people and to their right to unity and self-determination. In today's post, I would like to pay my respects to another brave people who also suffered a lot - the Pashtuns.
The history of Pashtuns is written in valor and heroism. Their fierce independence and love for freedom were mentioned in the most ancient texts, including the Rig Veda and the Mahabharata. Never surrendering to any empire or army, these people always maintained independent tribal republics. Even the mighty Alexander could not annex their lands. As chronicled by Megasthenes, his army fought a fierce battle with the Assakenoi (Ashvaganas / Afghans). Instead of accepting defeat, entire tribes (including women) took to arms and sacrificed their lives. Their feat is as stirring as that of the 300 Spartan warriors of Leonidas. One of the reasons why Alexander didn't cross the Indus river is because of the fear these warriors put into the hearts of the Greek soldiers.
Coming to modern times, even the greatest empire in history - the British empire could not succeed in occupying the Afghan lands. Afghanistan remained a sovereign state since the early 1700s, making it the most ancient sovereign state in this region of the world.
Pashtuns, with their love for freedom and their gratitude to loyalty and honesty, are an inspiration to people everywhere in the world. A few of these valiant people settled in India, called Pathans, always known for their big generous hearts.
Pashtuns love music, and a lot of famous singers and artists in the Indian subcontinent come from this region. Several ancient Indian / Iranian mathematicians and scientists originated from Gandhara (Kandahar) and Balkh.
All this history stands in stark contrast to the way media portrays Pashtuns today - as medieval tribal warriors. This portrayal comes in handy for two souces - the NATO forces fighting them in Kandahar and the Pakistani forces fighting them in Waziristan. Why did Pashtuns get dragged into this warfare is a sad story.
It begins with a betrayal. And it is we Indians (precisely Nehru) who have to suffer the blame of backstabbing Pashtuns.
Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan (fondly known as Bacha Khan) was the most inspiring freedom fighter from the Pashtun region. A devout Muslim, and also a staunch Gandhian who abrogated violence, he inspired the entire Pashtun community to stand up to the British. He said, "I am going to give you such a weapon that the police and the army will not be able to stand against it. It is the weapon of the Prophet, but you are not aware of it. That weapon is patience and righteousness. No power on earth can stand against it." He was known as the frontier Gandhi and his followers were known as the Khudai-khidmatgars (servants of God).
As the idea of partitioning India was picking up steam, Bacha Khan firmly opposed it and remained staunchly secular. He didn't want Pashtun provinces to become part of an Islamic Pakistan. At the urgency of independence, and at the threat of religious violence between Hindus and Muslims, Gandhi and Nehru have forced Bacha Khan to agree to the merger with Pakistan. Bacha Khan moaned to Gandhi, "You have thrown us to the wolves". After the merger, Bacha Khan was labeled an enemy of Islam and imprisoned several times. His followers were carefully decimated by the opponents with support from Islamabad. Military generals such as Zia-ul-Haq have taken advantage of the illiteracy and backwardness of the region, and appointed religious fundamentalists as leaders.
The second part of the story began with the attack of Afghanistan by the Soviet troops. Seeing their brothers dying across the border, many Pashtuns took to arms. Taking advantage of the situation, USA and Pakistan funded this war and supplied them with weapons and missiles. As the superpowers played their colonial chess games, ordinary Pashtuns died in large numbers. War and violence have further eroded the spirit of Pashtuns. Illiteracy and economic backwardness became rife.
The third and final part of the story was the infiltration of the Pashtun lands with Arab fighters. First arrived to fight the Soviets, these militants then started to use the lands of their hosts against new enemies - the USA. The stationing of US troops on Saudi soil, became the reason of hatred for one Osama bin Laden. He abused the hospitality of his hosts by using Afghanistan to hatch terrorist plots, which serve the purpose of no Afghan citizen. After the 9-11, the USA started bombing the Afghan lands killing Pashtuns in large numbers, but still unable to locate the main culprit.
The spirit of Bacha Khan seems so far away, and we are left to wonder what happened to the Khudai-khidmatgars ! The brave Pashtun people are left with no strong leader and are being made to fight foreign wars - against India and against USA, by cowardly people behind the scenes. This has to stop. Indians have to reaffirm their love and respect for the Pashtun people. The Americans should attempt to understand their fierce love for freedom, and stop a war which they can never win.
When will Pashtuns stop fighting foreign wars, funded by cowardly people from the back ? When will Pashtuns see a return to peace and prosperity ?
I wish the Pashtuns the same thing I wished for the Kashmiris - an affirmation of their self-respect and dignity, an end to the murder of their race, and a tearing down of the artificial walls which seperate brothers.
Long Live Pashtunistan
Earlier in my blog, I offered my respect to the Kashmiri people and to their right to unity and self-determination. In today's post, I would like to pay my respects to another brave people who also suffered a lot - the Pashtuns.
The history of Pashtuns is written in valor and heroism. Their fierce independence and love for freedom were mentioned in the most ancient texts, including the Rig Veda and the Mahabharata. Never surrendering to any empire or army, these people always maintained independent tribal republics. Even the mighty Alexander could not annex their lands. As chronicled by Megasthenes, his army fought a fierce battle with the Assakenoi (Ashvaganas / Afghans). Instead of accepting defeat, entire tribes (including women) took to arms and sacrificed their lives. Their feat is as stirring as that of the 300 Spartan warriors of Leonidas. One of the reasons why Alexander didn't cross the Indus river is because of the fear these warriors put into the hearts of the Greek soldiers.
Coming to modern times, even the greatest empire in history - the British empire could not succeed in occupying the Afghan lands. Afghanistan remained a sovereign state since the early 1700s, making it the most ancient sovereign state in this region of the world.
Pashtuns, with their love for freedom and their gratitude to loyalty and honesty, are an inspiration to people everywhere in the world. A few of these valiant people settled in India, called Pathans, always known for their big generous hearts.
Pashtuns love music, and a lot of famous singers and artists in the Indian subcontinent come from this region. Several ancient Indian / Iranian mathematicians and scientists originated from Gandhara (Kandahar) and Balkh.
All this history stands in stark contrast to the way media portrays Pashtuns today - as medieval tribal warriors. This portrayal comes in handy for two souces - the NATO forces fighting them in Kandahar and the Pakistani forces fighting them in Waziristan. Why did Pashtuns get dragged into this warfare is a sad story.
It begins with a betrayal. And it is we Indians (precisely Nehru) who have to suffer the blame of backstabbing Pashtuns.
Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan (fondly known as Bacha Khan) was the most inspiring freedom fighter from the Pashtun region. A devout Muslim, and also a staunch Gandhian who abrogated violence, he inspired the entire Pashtun community to stand up to the British. He said, "I am going to give you such a weapon that the police and the army will not be able to stand against it. It is the weapon of the Prophet, but you are not aware of it. That weapon is patience and righteousness. No power on earth can stand against it." He was known as the frontier Gandhi and his followers were known as the Khudai-khidmatgars (servants of God).
As the idea of partitioning India was picking up steam, Bacha Khan firmly opposed it and remained staunchly secular. He didn't want Pashtun provinces to become part of an Islamic Pakistan. At the urgency of independence, and at the threat of religious violence between Hindus and Muslims, Gandhi and Nehru have forced Bacha Khan to agree to the merger with Pakistan. Bacha Khan moaned to Gandhi, "You have thrown us to the wolves". After the merger, Bacha Khan was labeled an enemy of Islam and imprisoned several times. His followers were carefully decimated by the opponents with support from Islamabad. Military generals such as Zia-ul-Haq have taken advantage of the illiteracy and backwardness of the region, and appointed religious fundamentalists as leaders.
The second part of the story began with the attack of Afghanistan by the Soviet troops. Seeing their brothers dying across the border, many Pashtuns took to arms. Taking advantage of the situation, USA and Pakistan funded this war and supplied them with weapons and missiles. As the superpowers played their colonial chess games, ordinary Pashtuns died in large numbers. War and violence have further eroded the spirit of Pashtuns. Illiteracy and economic backwardness became rife.
The third and final part of the story was the infiltration of the Pashtun lands with Arab fighters. First arrived to fight the Soviets, these militants then started to use the lands of their hosts against new enemies - the USA. The stationing of US troops on Saudi soil, became the reason of hatred for one Osama bin Laden. He abused the hospitality of his hosts by using Afghanistan to hatch terrorist plots, which serve the purpose of no Afghan citizen. After the 9-11, the USA started bombing the Afghan lands killing Pashtuns in large numbers, but still unable to locate the main culprit.
The spirit of Bacha Khan seems so far away, and we are left to wonder what happened to the Khudai-khidmatgars ! The brave Pashtun people are left with no strong leader and are being made to fight foreign wars - against India and against USA, by cowardly people behind the scenes. This has to stop. Indians have to reaffirm their love and respect for the Pashtun people. The Americans should attempt to understand their fierce love for freedom, and stop a war which they can never win.
When will Pashtuns stop fighting foreign wars, funded by cowardly people from the back ? When will Pashtuns see a return to peace and prosperity ?
I wish the Pashtuns the same thing I wished for the Kashmiris - an affirmation of their self-respect and dignity, an end to the murder of their race, and a tearing down of the artificial walls which seperate brothers.
Thursday, January 01, 2009
Sand Bags n Pashtuns /
Dr Enayatullag faizi
daily Mashriq.Peshawar.
The Author of This Article is Dr Inayatullah Faizi a column writer for daily Mashriq, Peshawar..
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