In the Mohamadzai clan of the village of Utmanzai in Peshawar district there lived a kind and humble well-to-do landowner Baharam Khan. Abdul Ghaffar or Badshah Khan as he came to be known in later years was his fourth child.
When Abdul Ghaffar was five or six years old, he was admitted to a mosque to take lessons from a Mullah. In due course the young lad had finished reading the Holy Koran. He was, then, sent to the Municipal Board High School and later to Edwardes Memorial Mission High School at Peshawar, where the Rev. E F E Wigram was his headmaster. He was a person who greatly impressed Abdul Ghaffar and instilled in him the spirit of service to all creatures created by God.
In November 1906, while Abdul Ghaffar was in his sixth class, a servant named Barani Kaka tried to persuade him to get into military profession. The persuasion bore fruit and Abdul Ghaffar applied for a Commission in the army. But an incident at the army camp touched his sensibility and turned him against the coveted profession. He saw an English officer insulting an Indian senior in age. The insolent behaviour of the officer upset him so much that he ultimately decided not to enter the military career.
The young Khan was left with no alternative except to sit for the Matriculation examination. He was told that the quietness of Campbellpur afforded good facilities to work. So he went there only to find the place tiresome. Then in his desire to learn Arabic he went to Qadian and joined a Madrassah. At Qadian he had a dream, strange but instructive. Taking clue from the dream he went to study at Aligarh.
While at Aligarh, he received a message from his father asking him to return home and be prepared to go abroad to qualify himself for engineering. On reaching home Abdul Ghaffar found that his mother was not willing to see both her sons away from her. Ghaffar Khan respected his mother’s wish and that became a turning point in his life.
In the year 1912 began Abdul Ghaffar Khan's involvement with his people. Under the influence of Haji Abdul Wahid Sahib, he embarked upon his work as an educationist. They established their centre at Gaddar, in Peshawar district and opened schools all over Peshawar and Mardan districts. This work made them popular among the people. Fearing the influence of the Haji the authorities thought of separating these two pioneers. Haji was shrewd enough to sense their evil designs and escaped into the tribal territory. The Government, then, arrested most of the teachers of the schools run by the Haji and Abdul Ghaffar Khan.
Baharam Khan, in the circumstances, naturally felt uneasy about his son's activities. So the anxious father gave him a village to manage, married him off and hoped that with the new responsibi1ities the son would give up his strange notions and settle down. He did settle down and the following year a son was born to the young couple. The boy was named Ghani.
In 1913, he heard an announcement about an annual session of the Muslim League to be presided over by Sir Ibrahim Rahimtullah and addressed by Maulana Azad and others. So he went to Agra with a few friends and from there to Delhi for a short stay. He then returned to his village to continue his educational activities.
In December 1915, soon after the birth of Wali, his second son, his first son Ghani took ill. On the spur of the moment Ghani's mother came near him, walked around the Charpai and prayed in supplication to Allah to transfer her son's affliction and disease to her and spare the life of the child. Miraculously the son began to recover but unfortunately the mother fell ill and soon passed away.
After the death of his wife Ghaffar Khan's restlessness increased. He left the two children in the care of his mother and drowned his sorrow in work and service of his people. He now wanted Pakhtoons to unite, to be educated, reformed and organised. Rather than to follow anyone blindly, he asked them to think and act. He succeeded largely in his mission and his grateful people gathered in a mosque and declared him their Badshah, an uncrowned king.
The events that were to follow hereafter were not to be some isolated occurring. The war of 1914, the Montague-Chelmsford Report in July 1918, the Rowlatt Bills in February 1919, the nation-wide hartal on 6 April, the massacre of Jallianwala Bagh at Amritsar on 13 April and the declaring of Martial law in Punjab were the events so stirring that Badshah Khan plunged deeply into the current which was to engulf the country in the years to come. In the upheaval Abdul Ghaffar Khan was arrested and sent to prison. After his release from the jail Ghaffar Khan married again, as was desired by his old parents and soon involved himself in Hijarat movement, which was an off-shoot of Khilafat Movement. This work did not last long because the movement itself failed to gain momentum. In 1920 he attended the Congress session at Nagpur and was attracted to Gandhi and his programme. Coming back from Nagpur, Abdul Ghaffar Khan started Azad High School in his home-village Utmanzai. After some time he was made the president of Khilafat Committee. This led him to renew his contact with the people and they in turn prompted him to restart the defunct schools. Such activities were bound to alarm the authorities. Objection was raised to his touring the district and he was arrested. During this imprisonment he read theGita for the first time along with the Granth Saheb and the Bible.
In 1924, when Ghaffar Khan came out of jail, he was a frail and worn out man. His mother had died during his imprisonment. At the request of his sister Ghaffar Khan decided to go on Haj. In the same year Gandhi went on fast for communal amity. Ghaffar Khan volunteered to preach Hindu-Muslim unity.
In May 1928, he started the Pakhtun, a monthly journal in Pushtu, and organised the movement of Khudai Khidmatgar-the Servants of God. Both these efforts were aimed at teaching the Pakhtoons industry, economy and self reliance by inculcating in them self respect and fear of God that banished all other fears. When the Congress met on the banks of the Ravi, Ghaffar Khan attended it with a large number of people from the North West Frontier Province.
In April 1930, Abdul Ghaffar Khan was arrested for organising the Civil Disobedience movement following which a reign of repression was let loose in the land of the gallant Khudai Khidmatgar.
The main resolution at the Karachi session of the Congress in 1931, dealt with the truce-terms and the Round Table Conference proposed to be held in London. Ghaffar Khan was among those who supported the resolution. He informed the gathering that he was ill but was asked by Mahatma Gandhi to express his views on the subject. Being a soldier he knew only to obey his commander. That was the reason why he stood in front of them. This was the essential quality of Abdul Ghaffar Khan. Later in 1934 when Khan brothers went to Wardha as guests of Jamnalal Bajaj, to spend some time with Gandhi, Ghaffar Khan saw that there was a move in Bombay to have him elected to the presidential chair at the Congress session to be held that year. Abdul Ghaffar Khan issued a statement in which he said: 'Let me declare, as I have done over and over again, that I am only a humble soldier and it is my ambition to end my days not as a general but as a soldier.'
In October 1934, when Ghaffar Khan went to Calcutta, the students of Bengal welcomed him in the midst of J C Sengupta, Satish Chandra Dasgupta, Prof. Abdur Rehman and others. Addressing the gathering he requested not to call him Frontier Gandhi for he believed that there should be only one Gandhi. He said, 'Mahatma Gandhi is our general and there should be one general only. So do not add the name of Gandhi to my name. I am not fit for the praise you have showered on me. From Calcutta he went to Bombay to attend the annual session of the Congress. Here a resolution on the formation of the All India Village Industries Association was adopted. Gandhi included Badshah Khan on the Executive Committee of the AIVIA.
Those years were the period of exile from his home province. Therefore, Badshah Khan and his brother stayed at Wardha. They felt perfectly at home with Mahatma Gandhi and took active part in the Ashram activities. Ghaffar Khan's 12 year old son Abdul Ali and his 14 year old daughter Mehartaj stayed with their loving father and in absence of their father stayed under the loving care of Mahatma Gandhi, Jamnalalal Bajaj and Mirabehn.
For a couple of years Abdul Ghaffar Khan was wholly absorbed with Gandhi in village reconstruction programme and after the formation of Congress Ministries in some provinces, including the NWFP, he entered his homeland after six years of exile. The Congress President Jawaharlal Nehru paid a flying visit to the Frontier Province. It was followed by a visit from Gandhi between 1 and 8 of May 1938.
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, in his own right had evolved himself as an esteemed leader of the resurgent nation. He was seen taking a leading part in the various movements launched by Mahatma Gandhi, which included the Individual Civil Disobedience movement and the momentous "Quit India" movement in 1942.
From 1942, onwards the years that followed were immensely important for India. There were talks and discussions on the future of India which saw their culmination in its partition. Abdul Ghaffar felt very sad and heavy at heart. He and his Khudai Khidmatgars had cast their lot with the Congress. And now it seemed as if they would no more belong to India. Nor, owing to their ideological differences with the Muslim League, would they have any place in Pakistan. 'We shall be outcasts in the eyes of both' he sadly remarked, 'but I do not worry so long as Mahatma is there.'
It was the last day of Gandhi's stay in New Delhi, Badshah Khan who was suffering from fever refused to take any medicine. He insisted upon pressing Gandhi's limbs at night as before. Gandhi tried to dissuade him but he insisted and said, ‘It is last day. So let me. It will make me well.' He kept himself awake till 10-30 that night. When asked not to overstrain himself he remarked: 'Before long we shall become aliens in Hindustan. The end of our long fight will be to pass under the domination of Pakistan - away from Bapu, away from India, away from all of you. Who knows what the future holds for us?'
The future held hordes of woes for him. It held referendum for the NWFP, an imprisonment for Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan in the new-born Pakistan and destined to be a lone crusader for Pakhtoonistan, as well as for the federal structure of Pakistan. It was the most trying period of his life. He was solely left to himself in the midst of wolves. Even a sane advice from him was taken with a pinch of salt. The newly won freedom had brought subjugation for him and for the innocent people of the NWFP. He and his people had no future in the set-up envisaged and designed by the new rulers of Pakistan. He had to spend 15 years of his life in prisons of Pakistan. Over and above this he was maligned as a stooge of Hindus. In his struggle to attain Justice, he had to sacrifice his health. At one point of time even Jawaharlal Nehru was worried for his failing health and regretted that he could see no light as how to help his old comrade. On 27 May Nehru passed away. Ghaffar Khan in a telegram to Indira Gandhi said: 'Deeply grieved to learn of the passing away of one of the greatest sons of the soil, a noble freedom fighter, who put into practice Gandhi's ideals of love and peace on, earth. Pray Almighty his noble ideals will continue to inspire the people of India. I wish that I could be with you by your side in this national bereavement.'
In September 1964, the Pakistani authorities allowed him to go to Britain for treatment. During his two months' stay there, Sir Olaf Caroe, the former Governor of the Frontier Province, visited him and took him home for rest. Sir Olaf treated him with great courtesy and admiration. During winter his doctor advised him to go to America. The U S Embassy was reluctant to give him visa. The Pakistan Embassy in London opposed his going to Afghanistan or India for treatment. The Pakistan Government requested the Afghan Embassy to refuse him but it was too late as the Afghanistan Government had already given a green signal to his stay in their country.
In a letter from Kabul, Badshah Khan expressed his agony:
Nothing worse can befall us than what we have already suffered and continue to suffer. Considerations of personal harm have never weighed with me. What saddens me is that while we shrank from no sacrifice for the sake of India’s independence, the Congress on attaining it forsook us….We were left to suffer alone.
On 5 April 1965, Vinoba Bhave wrote to console him saying:
I am distressed beyond words to have to admit that in our freedom fight a great injustice had been done to you and you have been practically let down by our friends. But you have borne it all with great patience and fortitude. Your example has been a source of inspiration to all of us.... These days a conviction has been growing within me that in this age of nuclear weapons, politics so called are quite out dated, and problems, national and. international can only be solved by resort to spirituality – “ruhaniat", and I know that you are essentially a man of God with deep spiritual convictions, rather than a man of politics. You have always been a staunch believer in non-violence and self-suffering, may be, after putting you to so much trial, God intends to use you as an instrument in solving world problems! Bashshiris sabireen! - give good tidings to the steadfast.
In the last week of July 1965, Pyarelal went to Kabul the behest of Vinoba to meet Badshah Khan and convey to him personally, sympathy and affectionate regards. In a revealing account of Badshah Khan's thinking and doing Pyarelal in his concluding note said:
'As I took leave of Badshah Khan the feeling uppermost in my mind was one of wonder and amazement at the unconquerable spirit of this man of God, who, having watched from behind the prison-bars with a bleeding heart that the things he had given his life to, broken, had now in the evening of his life, set about undeterred by the overwhelming odds arrayed against him, to build them up with outworn tools.'1
In India, the national struggle for independence had drawn remarkable persons in almost all fields of activity and each one of them had played his or her best part in building up the nation. Abdul Ghaffar Khan was one of them. He grew independent of Mahatma Gandhi and although they were poles apart in their background and upbringing, both of them spoke the same language and responded in the same way to similar situations. Badshah Khan was loved by people as was Gandhi. In the eyes of people both became the symbols of courage and sacrifice.
The late C F Andrews described Ghaffar Khan as 'a king among men by stature and dignity of bearing'. He was a magnificent specimen of humanity, almost royal in his appearance and character. He was calm and resolute, truthful and clean, sincere and upright. His manners were simple and charming, his heart considerate and hospitable. Fakhr-I-Afghan was the title bestowed by his people on this unassuming person. Like all great men he depended on a few simple and homemade ideas. He lived, battled and suffered for them.
He was not a politician in the technical sense of the word and he detested the fuss and vanity surrounding the politicians. But he knew his job well and was always clear about his stand in the political chess-board of this vast subcontinent.
And yet he was essentially a man of God. Like all true reformers he was against slavery including the subjugation of women. On 15 December 1941, speaking at a gathering of women at Togh in the Kohat district he said: 'Let me assure you that when freedom has been won, you will have an equal share and place with your brothers in this country.'
Badshah Khan's simplicity was phenomenal as was his fearlessness. He had imbibed in him the spirit of Abhaya, and had developed an astonishing capacity to face cheerfully all the difficulties that came in his way. He was born to be a leader and every inch a man.
Think of a Muslim without bigotry, a fighter without cruelty, a foe without venom and a friend without an iota of treachery. You will surely find these virtues incarnated in Abdul Ghaffar Khan. He was the man of the masses who never stooped to win, a citizen without malice, a neighbour as decent as one could be. He was brave without being reckless, a leader without any desire of aggrandisement and above all the only man in India whom the nation thrice proffered the honour of the Presidentship of the Indian National Congress and which he thrice declined. Perhaps he believed in what Confucius had said: 'By gaining people, the kingdom is gained, by losing the people, the kingdom is lost.' Badshah Khan never lost his kingdom.
1. Compiled from Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Faith is Battle, by DG Tendulkar published by Gandhi Peace Foundation, Popular Prakashan Bombay, 1967 and based on other miscellaneous articles on Badshah Khan.
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Tuesday, January 30, 2007
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan
In the Mohamadzai clan of the village of Utmanzai in Peshawar district there lived a kind and humble well-to-do landowner Baharam Khan. Abdul Ghaffar or Badshah Khan as he came to be known in later years was his fourth child.
When Abdul Ghaffar was five or six years old, he was admitted to a mosque to take lessons from a Mullah. In due course the young lad had finished reading the Holy Koran. He was, then, sent to the Municipal Board High School and later to Edwardes Memorial Mission High School at Peshawar, where the Rev. E F E Wigram was his headmaster. He was a person who greatly impressed Abdul Ghaffar and instilled in him the spirit of service to all creatures created by God.
In November 1906, while Abdul Ghaffar was in his sixth class, a servant named Barani Kaka tried to persuade him to get into military profession. The persuasion bore fruit and Abdul Ghaffar applied for a Commission in the army. But an incident at the army camp touched his sensibility and turned him against the coveted profession. He saw an English officer insulting an Indian senior in age. The insolent behaviour of the officer upset him so much that he ultimately decided not to enter the military career.
The young Khan was left with no alternative except to sit for the Matriculation examination. He was told that the quietness of Campbellpur afforded good facilities to work. So he went there only to find the place tiresome. Then in his desire to learn Arabic he went to Qadian and joined a Madrassah. At Qadian he had a dream, strange but instructive. Taking clue from the dream he went to study at Aligarh.
While at Aligarh, he received a message from his father asking him to return home and be prepared to go abroad to qualify himself for engineering. On reaching home Abdul Ghaffar found that his mother was not willing to see both her sons away from her. Ghaffar Khan respected his mother’s wish and that became a turning point in his life.
In the year 1912 began Abdul Ghaffar Khan's involvement with his people. Under the influence of Haji Abdul Wahid Sahib, he embarked upon his work as an educationist. They established their centre at Gaddar, in Peshawar district and opened schools all over Peshawar and Mardan districts. This work made them popular among the people. Fearing the influence of the Haji the authorities thought of separating these two pioneers. Haji was shrewd enough to sense their evil designs and escaped into the tribal territory. The Government, then, arrested most of the teachers of the schools run by the Haji and Abdul Ghaffar Khan.
Baharam Khan, in the circumstances, naturally felt uneasy about his son's activities. So the anxious father gave him a village to manage, married him off and hoped that with the new responsibi1ities the son would give up his strange notions and settle down. He did settle down and the following year a son was born to the young couple. The boy was named Ghani.
In 1913, he heard an announcement about an annual session of the Muslim League to be presided over by Sir Ibrahim Rahimtullah and addressed by Maulana Azad and others. So he went to Agra with a few friends and from there to Delhi for a short stay. He then returned to his village to continue his educational activities.
In December 1915, soon after the birth of Wali, his second son, his first son Ghani took ill. On the spur of the moment Ghani's mother came near him, walked around the Charpai and prayed in supplication to Allah to transfer her son's affliction and disease to her and spare the life of the child. Miraculously the son began to recover but unfortunately the mother fell ill and soon passed away.
After the death of his wife Ghaffar Khan's restlessness increased. He left the two children in the care of his mother and drowned his sorrow in work and service of his people. He now wanted Pakhtoons to unite, to be educated, reformed and organised. Rather than to follow anyone blindly, he asked them to think and act. He succeeded largely in his mission and his grateful people gathered in a mosque and declared him their Badshah, an uncrowned king.
The events that were to follow hereafter were not to be some isolated occurring. The war of 1914, the Montague-Chelmsford Report in July 1918, the Rowlatt Bills in February 1919, the nation-wide hartal on 6 April, the massacre of Jallianwala Bagh at Amritsar on 13 April and the declaring of Martial law in Punjab were the events so stirring that Badshah Khan plunged deeply into the current which was to engulf the country in the years to come. In the upheaval Abdul Ghaffar Khan was arrested and sent to prison. After his release from the jail Ghaffar Khan married again, as was desired by his old parents and soon involved himself in Hijarat movement, which was an off-shoot of Khilafat Movement. This work did not last long because the movement itself failed to gain momentum. In 1920 he attended the Congress session at Nagpur and was attracted to Gandhi and his programme. Coming back from Nagpur, Abdul Ghaffar Khan started Azad High School in his home-village Utmanzai. After some time he was made the president of Khilafat Committee. This led him to renew his contact with the people and they in turn prompted him to restart the defunct schools. Such activities were bound to alarm the authorities. Objection was raised to his touring the district and he was arrested. During this imprisonment he read theGita for the first time along with the Granth Saheb and the Bible.
In 1924, when Ghaffar Khan came out of jail, he was a frail and worn out man. His mother had died during his imprisonment. At the request of his sister Ghaffar Khan decided to go on Haj. In the same year Gandhi went on fast for communal amity. Ghaffar Khan volunteered to preach Hindu-Muslim unity.
In May 1928, he started the Pakhtun, a monthly journal in Pushtu, and organised the movement of Khudai Khidmatgar-the Servants of God. Both these efforts were aimed at teaching the Pakhtoons industry, economy and self reliance by inculcating in them self respect and fear of God that banished all other fears. When the Congress met on the banks of the Ravi, Ghaffar Khan attended it with a large number of people from the North West Frontier Province.
In April 1930, Abdul Ghaffar Khan was arrested for organising the Civil Disobedience movement following which a reign of repression was let loose in the land of the gallant Khudai Khidmatgar.
The main resolution at the Karachi session of the Congress in 1931, dealt with the truce-terms and the Round Table Conference proposed to be held in London. Ghaffar Khan was among those who supported the resolution. He informed the gathering that he was ill but was asked by Mahatma Gandhi to express his views on the subject. Being a soldier he knew only to obey his commander. That was the reason why he stood in front of them. This was the essential quality of Abdul Ghaffar Khan. Later in 1934 when Khan brothers went to Wardha as guests of Jamnalal Bajaj, to spend some time with Gandhi, Ghaffar Khan saw that there was a move in Bombay to have him elected to the presidential chair at the Congress session to be held that year. Abdul Ghaffar Khan issued a statement in which he said: 'Let me declare, as I have done over and over again, that I am only a humble soldier and it is my ambition to end my days not as a general but as a soldier.'
In October 1934, when Ghaffar Khan went to Calcutta, the students of Bengal welcomed him in the midst of J C Sengupta, Satish Chandra Dasgupta, Prof. Abdur Rehman and others. Addressing the gathering he requested not to call him Frontier Gandhi for he believed that there should be only one Gandhi. He said, 'Mahatma Gandhi is our general and there should be one general only. So do not add the name of Gandhi to my name. I am not fit for the praise you have showered on me. From Calcutta he went to Bombay to attend the annual session of the Congress. Here a resolution on the formation of the All India Village Industries Association was adopted. Gandhi included Badshah Khan on the Executive Committee of the AIVIA.
Those years were the period of exile from his home province. Therefore, Badshah Khan and his brother stayed at Wardha. They felt perfectly at home with Mahatma Gandhi and took active part in the Ashram activities. Ghaffar Khan's 12 year old son Abdul Ali and his 14 year old daughter Mehartaj stayed with their loving father and in absence of their father stayed under the loving care of Mahatma Gandhi, Jamnalalal Bajaj and Mirabehn.
For a couple of years Abdul Ghaffar Khan was wholly absorbed with Gandhi in village reconstruction programme and after the formation of Congress Ministries in some provinces, including the NWFP, he entered his homeland after six years of exile. The Congress President Jawaharlal Nehru paid a flying visit to the Frontier Province. It was followed by a visit from Gandhi between 1 and 8 of May 1938.
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, in his own right had evolved himself as an esteemed leader of the resurgent nation. He was seen taking a leading part in the various movements launched by Mahatma Gandhi, which included the Individual Civil Disobedience movement and the momentous "Quit India" movement in 1942.
From 1942, onwards the years that followed were immensely important for India. There were talks and discussions on the future of India which saw their culmination in its partition. Abdul Ghaffar felt very sad and heavy at heart. He and his Khudai Khidmatgars had cast their lot with the Congress. And now it seemed as if they would no more belong to India. Nor, owing to their ideological differences with the Muslim League, would they have any place in Pakistan. 'We shall be outcasts in the eyes of both' he sadly remarked, 'but I do not worry so long as Mahatma is there.'
It was the last day of Gandhi's stay in New Delhi, Badshah Khan who was suffering from fever refused to take any medicine. He insisted upon pressing Gandhi's limbs at night as before. Gandhi tried to dissuade him but he insisted and said, ‘It is last day. So let me. It will make me well.' He kept himself awake till 10-30 that night. When asked not to overstrain himself he remarked: 'Before long we shall become aliens in Hindustan. The end of our long fight will be to pass under the domination of Pakistan - away from Bapu, away from India, away from all of you. Who knows what the future holds for us?'
The future held hordes of woes for him. It held referendum for the NWFP, an imprisonment for Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan in the new-born Pakistan and destined to be a lone crusader for Pakhtoonistan, as well as for the federal structure of Pakistan. It was the most trying period of his life. He was solely left to himself in the midst of wolves. Even a sane advice from him was taken with a pinch of salt. The newly won freedom had brought subjugation for him and for the innocent people of the NWFP. He and his people had no future in the set-up envisaged and designed by the new rulers of Pakistan. He had to spend 15 years of his life in prisons of Pakistan. Over and above this he was maligned as a stooge of Hindus. In his struggle to attain Justice, he had to sacrifice his health. At one point of time even Jawaharlal Nehru was worried for his failing health and regretted that he could see no light as how to help his old comrade. On 27 May Nehru passed away. Ghaffar Khan in a telegram to Indira Gandhi said: 'Deeply grieved to learn of the passing away of one of the greatest sons of the soil, a noble freedom fighter, who put into practice Gandhi's ideals of love and peace on, earth. Pray Almighty his noble ideals will continue to inspire the people of India. I wish that I could be with you by your side in this national bereavement.'
In September 1964, the Pakistani authorities allowed him to go to Britain for treatment. During his two months' stay there, Sir Olaf Caroe, the former Governor of the Frontier Province, visited him and took him home for rest. Sir Olaf treated him with great courtesy and admiration. During winter his doctor advised him to go to America. The U S Embassy was reluctant to give him visa. The Pakistan Embassy in London opposed his going to Afghanistan or India for treatment. The Pakistan Government requested the Afghan Embassy to refuse him but it was too late as the Afghanistan Government had already given a green signal to his stay in their country.
In a letter from Kabul, Badshah Khan expressed his agony:
Nothing worse can befall us than what we have already suffered and continue to suffer. Considerations of personal harm have never weighed with me. What saddens me is that while we shrank from no sacrifice for the sake of India’s independence, the Congress on attaining it forsook us….We were left to suffer alone.
On 5 April 1965, Vinoba Bhave wrote to console him saying:
I am distressed beyond words to have to admit that in our freedom fight a great injustice had been done to you and you have been practically let down by our friends. But you have borne it all with great patience and fortitude. Your example has been a source of inspiration to all of us.... These days a conviction has been growing within me that in this age of nuclear weapons, politics so called are quite out dated, and problems, national and. international can only be solved by resort to spirituality – “ruhaniat", and I know that you are essentially a man of God with deep spiritual convictions, rather than a man of politics. You have always been a staunch believer in non-violence and self-suffering, may be, after putting you to so much trial, God intends to use you as an instrument in solving world problems! Bashshiris sabireen! - give good tidings to the steadfast.
In the last week of July 1965, Pyarelal went to Kabul the behest of Vinoba to meet Badshah Khan and convey to him personally, sympathy and affectionate regards. In a revealing account of Badshah Khan's thinking and doing Pyarelal in his concluding note said:
'As I took leave of Badshah Khan the feeling uppermost in my mind was one of wonder and amazement at the unconquerable spirit of this man of God, who, having watched from behind the prison-bars with a bleeding heart that the things he had given his life to, broken, had now in the evening of his life, set about undeterred by the overwhelming odds arrayed against him, to build them up with outworn tools.'1
In India, the national struggle for independence had drawn remarkable persons in almost all fields of activity and each one of them had played his or her best part in building up the nation. Abdul Ghaffar Khan was one of them. He grew independent of Mahatma Gandhi and although they were poles apart in their background and upbringing, both of them spoke the same language and responded in the same way to similar situations. Badshah Khan was loved by people as was Gandhi. In the eyes of people both became the symbols of courage and sacrifice.
The late C F Andrews described Ghaffar Khan as 'a king among men by stature and dignity of bearing'. He was a magnificent specimen of humanity, almost royal in his appearance and character. He was calm and resolute, truthful and clean, sincere and upright. His manners were simple and charming, his heart considerate and hospitable. Fakhr-I-Afghan was the title bestowed by his people on this unassuming person. Like all great men he depended on a few simple and homemade ideas. He lived, battled and suffered for them.
He was not a politician in the technical sense of the word and he detested the fuss and vanity surrounding the politicians. But he knew his job well and was always clear about his stand in the political chess-board of this vast subcontinent.
And yet he was essentially a man of God. Like all true reformers he was against slavery including the subjugation of women. On 15 December 1941, speaking at a gathering of women at Togh in the Kohat district he said: 'Let me assure you that when freedom has been won, you will have an equal share and place with your brothers in this country.'
Badshah Khan's simplicity was phenomenal as was his fearlessness. He had imbibed in him the spirit of Abhaya, and had developed an astonishing capacity to face cheerfully all the difficulties that came in his way. He was born to be a leader and every inch a man.
Think of a Muslim without bigotry, a fighter without cruelty, a foe without venom and a friend without an iota of treachery. You will surely find these virtues incarnated in Abdul Ghaffar Khan. He was the man of the masses who never stooped to win, a citizen without malice, a neighbour as decent as one could be. He was brave without being reckless, a leader without any desire of aggrandisement and above all the only man in India whom the nation thrice proffered the honour of the Presidentship of the Indian National Congress and which he thrice declined. Perhaps he believed in what Confucius had said: 'By gaining people, the kingdom is gained, by losing the people, the kingdom is lost.' Badshah Khan never lost his kingdom.
1. Compiled from Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Faith is Battle, by DG Tendulkar published by Gandhi Peace Foundation, Popular Prakashan Bombay, 1967 and based on other miscellaneous articles on Badshah Khan.
When Abdul Ghaffar was five or six years old, he was admitted to a mosque to take lessons from a Mullah. In due course the young lad had finished reading the Holy Koran. He was, then, sent to the Municipal Board High School and later to Edwardes Memorial Mission High School at Peshawar, where the Rev. E F E Wigram was his headmaster. He was a person who greatly impressed Abdul Ghaffar and instilled in him the spirit of service to all creatures created by God.
In November 1906, while Abdul Ghaffar was in his sixth class, a servant named Barani Kaka tried to persuade him to get into military profession. The persuasion bore fruit and Abdul Ghaffar applied for a Commission in the army. But an incident at the army camp touched his sensibility and turned him against the coveted profession. He saw an English officer insulting an Indian senior in age. The insolent behaviour of the officer upset him so much that he ultimately decided not to enter the military career.
The young Khan was left with no alternative except to sit for the Matriculation examination. He was told that the quietness of Campbellpur afforded good facilities to work. So he went there only to find the place tiresome. Then in his desire to learn Arabic he went to Qadian and joined a Madrassah. At Qadian he had a dream, strange but instructive. Taking clue from the dream he went to study at Aligarh.
While at Aligarh, he received a message from his father asking him to return home and be prepared to go abroad to qualify himself for engineering. On reaching home Abdul Ghaffar found that his mother was not willing to see both her sons away from her. Ghaffar Khan respected his mother’s wish and that became a turning point in his life.
In the year 1912 began Abdul Ghaffar Khan's involvement with his people. Under the influence of Haji Abdul Wahid Sahib, he embarked upon his work as an educationist. They established their centre at Gaddar, in Peshawar district and opened schools all over Peshawar and Mardan districts. This work made them popular among the people. Fearing the influence of the Haji the authorities thought of separating these two pioneers. Haji was shrewd enough to sense their evil designs and escaped into the tribal territory. The Government, then, arrested most of the teachers of the schools run by the Haji and Abdul Ghaffar Khan.
Baharam Khan, in the circumstances, naturally felt uneasy about his son's activities. So the anxious father gave him a village to manage, married him off and hoped that with the new responsibi1ities the son would give up his strange notions and settle down. He did settle down and the following year a son was born to the young couple. The boy was named Ghani.
In 1913, he heard an announcement about an annual session of the Muslim League to be presided over by Sir Ibrahim Rahimtullah and addressed by Maulana Azad and others. So he went to Agra with a few friends and from there to Delhi for a short stay. He then returned to his village to continue his educational activities.
In December 1915, soon after the birth of Wali, his second son, his first son Ghani took ill. On the spur of the moment Ghani's mother came near him, walked around the Charpai and prayed in supplication to Allah to transfer her son's affliction and disease to her and spare the life of the child. Miraculously the son began to recover but unfortunately the mother fell ill and soon passed away.
After the death of his wife Ghaffar Khan's restlessness increased. He left the two children in the care of his mother and drowned his sorrow in work and service of his people. He now wanted Pakhtoons to unite, to be educated, reformed and organised. Rather than to follow anyone blindly, he asked them to think and act. He succeeded largely in his mission and his grateful people gathered in a mosque and declared him their Badshah, an uncrowned king.
The events that were to follow hereafter were not to be some isolated occurring. The war of 1914, the Montague-Chelmsford Report in July 1918, the Rowlatt Bills in February 1919, the nation-wide hartal on 6 April, the massacre of Jallianwala Bagh at Amritsar on 13 April and the declaring of Martial law in Punjab were the events so stirring that Badshah Khan plunged deeply into the current which was to engulf the country in the years to come. In the upheaval Abdul Ghaffar Khan was arrested and sent to prison. After his release from the jail Ghaffar Khan married again, as was desired by his old parents and soon involved himself in Hijarat movement, which was an off-shoot of Khilafat Movement. This work did not last long because the movement itself failed to gain momentum. In 1920 he attended the Congress session at Nagpur and was attracted to Gandhi and his programme. Coming back from Nagpur, Abdul Ghaffar Khan started Azad High School in his home-village Utmanzai. After some time he was made the president of Khilafat Committee. This led him to renew his contact with the people and they in turn prompted him to restart the defunct schools. Such activities were bound to alarm the authorities. Objection was raised to his touring the district and he was arrested. During this imprisonment he read theGita for the first time along with the Granth Saheb and the Bible.
In 1924, when Ghaffar Khan came out of jail, he was a frail and worn out man. His mother had died during his imprisonment. At the request of his sister Ghaffar Khan decided to go on Haj. In the same year Gandhi went on fast for communal amity. Ghaffar Khan volunteered to preach Hindu-Muslim unity.
In May 1928, he started the Pakhtun, a monthly journal in Pushtu, and organised the movement of Khudai Khidmatgar-the Servants of God. Both these efforts were aimed at teaching the Pakhtoons industry, economy and self reliance by inculcating in them self respect and fear of God that banished all other fears. When the Congress met on the banks of the Ravi, Ghaffar Khan attended it with a large number of people from the North West Frontier Province.
In April 1930, Abdul Ghaffar Khan was arrested for organising the Civil Disobedience movement following which a reign of repression was let loose in the land of the gallant Khudai Khidmatgar.
The main resolution at the Karachi session of the Congress in 1931, dealt with the truce-terms and the Round Table Conference proposed to be held in London. Ghaffar Khan was among those who supported the resolution. He informed the gathering that he was ill but was asked by Mahatma Gandhi to express his views on the subject. Being a soldier he knew only to obey his commander. That was the reason why he stood in front of them. This was the essential quality of Abdul Ghaffar Khan. Later in 1934 when Khan brothers went to Wardha as guests of Jamnalal Bajaj, to spend some time with Gandhi, Ghaffar Khan saw that there was a move in Bombay to have him elected to the presidential chair at the Congress session to be held that year. Abdul Ghaffar Khan issued a statement in which he said: 'Let me declare, as I have done over and over again, that I am only a humble soldier and it is my ambition to end my days not as a general but as a soldier.'
In October 1934, when Ghaffar Khan went to Calcutta, the students of Bengal welcomed him in the midst of J C Sengupta, Satish Chandra Dasgupta, Prof. Abdur Rehman and others. Addressing the gathering he requested not to call him Frontier Gandhi for he believed that there should be only one Gandhi. He said, 'Mahatma Gandhi is our general and there should be one general only. So do not add the name of Gandhi to my name. I am not fit for the praise you have showered on me. From Calcutta he went to Bombay to attend the annual session of the Congress. Here a resolution on the formation of the All India Village Industries Association was adopted. Gandhi included Badshah Khan on the Executive Committee of the AIVIA.
Those years were the period of exile from his home province. Therefore, Badshah Khan and his brother stayed at Wardha. They felt perfectly at home with Mahatma Gandhi and took active part in the Ashram activities. Ghaffar Khan's 12 year old son Abdul Ali and his 14 year old daughter Mehartaj stayed with their loving father and in absence of their father stayed under the loving care of Mahatma Gandhi, Jamnalalal Bajaj and Mirabehn.
For a couple of years Abdul Ghaffar Khan was wholly absorbed with Gandhi in village reconstruction programme and after the formation of Congress Ministries in some provinces, including the NWFP, he entered his homeland after six years of exile. The Congress President Jawaharlal Nehru paid a flying visit to the Frontier Province. It was followed by a visit from Gandhi between 1 and 8 of May 1938.
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, in his own right had evolved himself as an esteemed leader of the resurgent nation. He was seen taking a leading part in the various movements launched by Mahatma Gandhi, which included the Individual Civil Disobedience movement and the momentous "Quit India" movement in 1942.
From 1942, onwards the years that followed were immensely important for India. There were talks and discussions on the future of India which saw their culmination in its partition. Abdul Ghaffar felt very sad and heavy at heart. He and his Khudai Khidmatgars had cast their lot with the Congress. And now it seemed as if they would no more belong to India. Nor, owing to their ideological differences with the Muslim League, would they have any place in Pakistan. 'We shall be outcasts in the eyes of both' he sadly remarked, 'but I do not worry so long as Mahatma is there.'
It was the last day of Gandhi's stay in New Delhi, Badshah Khan who was suffering from fever refused to take any medicine. He insisted upon pressing Gandhi's limbs at night as before. Gandhi tried to dissuade him but he insisted and said, ‘It is last day. So let me. It will make me well.' He kept himself awake till 10-30 that night. When asked not to overstrain himself he remarked: 'Before long we shall become aliens in Hindustan. The end of our long fight will be to pass under the domination of Pakistan - away from Bapu, away from India, away from all of you. Who knows what the future holds for us?'
The future held hordes of woes for him. It held referendum for the NWFP, an imprisonment for Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan in the new-born Pakistan and destined to be a lone crusader for Pakhtoonistan, as well as for the federal structure of Pakistan. It was the most trying period of his life. He was solely left to himself in the midst of wolves. Even a sane advice from him was taken with a pinch of salt. The newly won freedom had brought subjugation for him and for the innocent people of the NWFP. He and his people had no future in the set-up envisaged and designed by the new rulers of Pakistan. He had to spend 15 years of his life in prisons of Pakistan. Over and above this he was maligned as a stooge of Hindus. In his struggle to attain Justice, he had to sacrifice his health. At one point of time even Jawaharlal Nehru was worried for his failing health and regretted that he could see no light as how to help his old comrade. On 27 May Nehru passed away. Ghaffar Khan in a telegram to Indira Gandhi said: 'Deeply grieved to learn of the passing away of one of the greatest sons of the soil, a noble freedom fighter, who put into practice Gandhi's ideals of love and peace on, earth. Pray Almighty his noble ideals will continue to inspire the people of India. I wish that I could be with you by your side in this national bereavement.'
In September 1964, the Pakistani authorities allowed him to go to Britain for treatment. During his two months' stay there, Sir Olaf Caroe, the former Governor of the Frontier Province, visited him and took him home for rest. Sir Olaf treated him with great courtesy and admiration. During winter his doctor advised him to go to America. The U S Embassy was reluctant to give him visa. The Pakistan Embassy in London opposed his going to Afghanistan or India for treatment. The Pakistan Government requested the Afghan Embassy to refuse him but it was too late as the Afghanistan Government had already given a green signal to his stay in their country.
In a letter from Kabul, Badshah Khan expressed his agony:
Nothing worse can befall us than what we have already suffered and continue to suffer. Considerations of personal harm have never weighed with me. What saddens me is that while we shrank from no sacrifice for the sake of India’s independence, the Congress on attaining it forsook us….We were left to suffer alone.
On 5 April 1965, Vinoba Bhave wrote to console him saying:
I am distressed beyond words to have to admit that in our freedom fight a great injustice had been done to you and you have been practically let down by our friends. But you have borne it all with great patience and fortitude. Your example has been a source of inspiration to all of us.... These days a conviction has been growing within me that in this age of nuclear weapons, politics so called are quite out dated, and problems, national and. international can only be solved by resort to spirituality – “ruhaniat", and I know that you are essentially a man of God with deep spiritual convictions, rather than a man of politics. You have always been a staunch believer in non-violence and self-suffering, may be, after putting you to so much trial, God intends to use you as an instrument in solving world problems! Bashshiris sabireen! - give good tidings to the steadfast.
In the last week of July 1965, Pyarelal went to Kabul the behest of Vinoba to meet Badshah Khan and convey to him personally, sympathy and affectionate regards. In a revealing account of Badshah Khan's thinking and doing Pyarelal in his concluding note said:
'As I took leave of Badshah Khan the feeling uppermost in my mind was one of wonder and amazement at the unconquerable spirit of this man of God, who, having watched from behind the prison-bars with a bleeding heart that the things he had given his life to, broken, had now in the evening of his life, set about undeterred by the overwhelming odds arrayed against him, to build them up with outworn tools.'1
In India, the national struggle for independence had drawn remarkable persons in almost all fields of activity and each one of them had played his or her best part in building up the nation. Abdul Ghaffar Khan was one of them. He grew independent of Mahatma Gandhi and although they were poles apart in their background and upbringing, both of them spoke the same language and responded in the same way to similar situations. Badshah Khan was loved by people as was Gandhi. In the eyes of people both became the symbols of courage and sacrifice.
The late C F Andrews described Ghaffar Khan as 'a king among men by stature and dignity of bearing'. He was a magnificent specimen of humanity, almost royal in his appearance and character. He was calm and resolute, truthful and clean, sincere and upright. His manners were simple and charming, his heart considerate and hospitable. Fakhr-I-Afghan was the title bestowed by his people on this unassuming person. Like all great men he depended on a few simple and homemade ideas. He lived, battled and suffered for them.
He was not a politician in the technical sense of the word and he detested the fuss and vanity surrounding the politicians. But he knew his job well and was always clear about his stand in the political chess-board of this vast subcontinent.
And yet he was essentially a man of God. Like all true reformers he was against slavery including the subjugation of women. On 15 December 1941, speaking at a gathering of women at Togh in the Kohat district he said: 'Let me assure you that when freedom has been won, you will have an equal share and place with your brothers in this country.'
Badshah Khan's simplicity was phenomenal as was his fearlessness. He had imbibed in him the spirit of Abhaya, and had developed an astonishing capacity to face cheerfully all the difficulties that came in his way. He was born to be a leader and every inch a man.
Think of a Muslim without bigotry, a fighter without cruelty, a foe without venom and a friend without an iota of treachery. You will surely find these virtues incarnated in Abdul Ghaffar Khan. He was the man of the masses who never stooped to win, a citizen without malice, a neighbour as decent as one could be. He was brave without being reckless, a leader without any desire of aggrandisement and above all the only man in India whom the nation thrice proffered the honour of the Presidentship of the Indian National Congress and which he thrice declined. Perhaps he believed in what Confucius had said: 'By gaining people, the kingdom is gained, by losing the people, the kingdom is lost.' Badshah Khan never lost his kingdom.
1. Compiled from Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Faith is Battle, by DG Tendulkar published by Gandhi Peace Foundation, Popular Prakashan Bombay, 1967 and based on other miscellaneous articles on Badshah Khan.
Saturday, January 27, 2007
A very moving article / Like father, like son
Like father, like son
Makhdoom Javed Hashmi
My dear daughter Ma-moona: The death of Khan Abdul Wali Khan has left my heart achingand. Khan Sahib throughout his life struggled for democracy and did not know such a thing as compromising on his principles. He spearheaded the struggle for the independence of Pakistan. Hatred for the colonial rule ran in his blood and he used to say that “first we fought against the division of Hindustan and now are struggling against those who wants to divide Pakistan.” The great father of Khan Abdul Wali Khan, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (Bacha Khan) considered the division of India a conspiracy by the Britishers but after the independence of Pakistan, he swore in the National Assembly loyalty to newborn country. The great Bacha Khan had also invited Quaid-i-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnnah to Peshawar and had arranged a very warm reception for him. But why was this visit cancelled? Bacha Khan is not the one to answer this. It was due to the cancellation of that visit of Jinnah that to this day Pakistani politics has been seeing its negative impacts. Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan spent twenty eight years of his life in different jails of Pakistan and Hindustan. This imprisonment is a year more than the jail term served by Nelson Mandela. Khan Abdul Wali Khan was clapped into jail for the first in 1943 and the last time he was imprisoned in 1977 in Hyderabad. This makes it thirty four years of his going into and out of different jails. While Khan Abdul Wali Khan was imprisoned his wife Begum Naseem Wali Khan used to look after party affairs. The true leadership qualities of Khan Abdul Wali Khan came into limelight in 1977 during the struggle for democracy. He never considered imprisonment a hurdle to his struggles and now his son Asfandyar Wali Khan has become an icon of Pakhtoon politics. Wali Khan’s brother Ghani Khan too had spent some time in prison. In 1977 when we were in Hyderabad jail, Mian Mahmood Ali Qasoori told me that once during court proceedings he had asked Wali Khan to sign some document. Wali Khan started reading the paper very carefully, Qasoori told him jokingly “ Khan Sahib, its not divorce papers, so don’t read it so carefully,” Wali Khan replied in a serious tone “ Qasoori Sahib, if our women asks us for divorce, they are not to be blamed, because when I was born my father was in jail and my mother wished that her husband was with her in that hard time but instead my mother passed away while my father remained in jail. I saw my father for the first time when I was seven years old. And when Asfandyar was born, I was in jail and I saw my son for the first time when he was three years old. Asfandyar’s mother, my wife passed away while I was in jail, so we have only given pain to our women.” Bacha Khan’s through his “Khudai Khidmatgar” movement started to improve the lives of Afghans and asked the Pakhtoons to come out of backwardness, illiteracy, and to stop the tribal feuds with each other. Bacha Khan strongly believed in a peaceful world and his independence was dearer to him than his life. Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Wali Khan, Begum Naseem and Asfandyar Wali Khan considers democracy as their faith and none of them have ever accepted any ministry or power. Once Mujeeb Ur Rehman Shami and I went to meet Wali Khan at Shahi Bagh. Wali Khan told us “we have even appointed your Muslim League member as governor of NWFP.” At that time Arbab Sikander Khan Khalil was the governor of NWFP, he had spent his entire life in ANP and his father was from Muslim League. By this statement of Wali Khan, one could very well understand the differences between NAP and the Muslim League. A person whose father was a Muslim League member and his entire life time association with NAP could not even get him the status of being a complete “Khudai Khidmatgar.” It was 1972, when I first got the opportunity to property see Wali Khan, he was leader of the opposition in the National Assembly and he use to completely dominate the assembly with his presence. His party had partial government in the two small provinces, just like MMA has these days. At that time Pakistan army had recently been defeated, ninety thousand of its troops were hostage with India and there was no sight of constitution. Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto had created other hurdles for Wali Khan as well, which later became to be the reasons for dissolution of NAP’s governments. At that time Wali Khan truly proved to be a statesman. Wali Khan came out as a conqueror with regard to provincial autonomy issue, while Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto was leading towards individual style of government. Wali Khan was facing tough time during those days and he even comprised his provincial interests for the sake of Pakistan. In my opinion, Khan Abdul Wali Khan displayed more maturity then Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto with regard to having a national constitution and that is what had made Pakistan stronger and stable at that time. For opposition the attitude of Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto was intolerable and under the leadership of Wali Khan we all fastened our struggle for democracy. At that point, when racial war was about to take time, all the opposition parties formed a combined platform and I was appointed as Convenor. Wali Khan not only appreciated my appointment as Convenor but he had also used great words for the sacrifices which I had rendered for achieving democracy. I am very fond of Asfanyar Wali Khan but it not only due to his personality. It was my right to disagree with his elders on some political issues and even now in many issues our ideas are ways apart from each other, but one thing is for sure which can not be ignored and that is since the Independence of Pakistan, the attitude of Punjab towards smaller provinces has been very unfair and whenever somebody raises the issue of provincial autonomy, he is being victimized for being a traitor. And since I have been declared a traitor, others who have been declared traitors seems near and dear to me, but Wali Khan in particular was always very dear to me. When I contacted Asfandyar Wali Khan to condole the death of Wali Khan, he said “you know very well how much “baba” use to love you” after he had said that tears started flowing from my eyes. I remembered all those time when he was kind and courteous to me. Begum Naseem Wali also repeated the same words that “Khan Sahib use to love you a lot.” I consider the death of Wali Khan as passing away of my close family member and it is a fact that his death has brought about grief not only for his family and me but it’s a grief for the entire Afghan nation, a grief for all those with conscious and a grief for all those around the world who are struggling for democracy and freedom. Did Ghaffar Khan spend 28 years in prison for no reason? Did Wali Khan struggle out of his stubbornness? Asfandyar Wali who only owns a hundred kanal of land and having financial constrains is struggling without a goal? I believe in third world countries there is hardly any example of such a family, a family to whom their principles and values matter the most. Now all the responsibility lies on the shoulders of Asfandyar Wali Khan and my best wishes are with him. Once Wali Khan told me “Javed, keep the flag flying.” I had considered this a big honour for myself. Now I would like to say the same thing from my jail cell in Kotlakhpat that “Asfanyar; keep the flag flying.” In 1972, when I was being framed in a murder case, while sitting in Kotlakhpat Jail I was thinking, “what did I do wrong by participating in university election to in the president seat? Why am I being implicated in a case in which I could be hanged to death? I don’t want to live in this death cell all my life. I was thinking about running away from Pakistan. My love for the homeland had nose-dived.” But once my concept changed, I have stopped giving a certificate of patriotism to others. For half a century, Wali Khan and his family rendered sacrifices for the greater glory of Pakistan but simultaneously endured all trials and tribulations with stoicism, Have we taken a leaf out of their book in terms of patriotism? The question does beg an answer. Salam,
your father Makhdoom Javed Hashmi.
Makhdoom Javed Hashmi
My dear daughter Ma-moona: The death of Khan Abdul Wali Khan has left my heart achingand. Khan Sahib throughout his life struggled for democracy and did not know such a thing as compromising on his principles. He spearheaded the struggle for the independence of Pakistan. Hatred for the colonial rule ran in his blood and he used to say that “first we fought against the division of Hindustan and now are struggling against those who wants to divide Pakistan.” The great father of Khan Abdul Wali Khan, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (Bacha Khan) considered the division of India a conspiracy by the Britishers but after the independence of Pakistan, he swore in the National Assembly loyalty to newborn country. The great Bacha Khan had also invited Quaid-i-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnnah to Peshawar and had arranged a very warm reception for him. But why was this visit cancelled? Bacha Khan is not the one to answer this. It was due to the cancellation of that visit of Jinnah that to this day Pakistani politics has been seeing its negative impacts. Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan spent twenty eight years of his life in different jails of Pakistan and Hindustan. This imprisonment is a year more than the jail term served by Nelson Mandela. Khan Abdul Wali Khan was clapped into jail for the first in 1943 and the last time he was imprisoned in 1977 in Hyderabad. This makes it thirty four years of his going into and out of different jails. While Khan Abdul Wali Khan was imprisoned his wife Begum Naseem Wali Khan used to look after party affairs. The true leadership qualities of Khan Abdul Wali Khan came into limelight in 1977 during the struggle for democracy. He never considered imprisonment a hurdle to his struggles and now his son Asfandyar Wali Khan has become an icon of Pakhtoon politics. Wali Khan’s brother Ghani Khan too had spent some time in prison. In 1977 when we were in Hyderabad jail, Mian Mahmood Ali Qasoori told me that once during court proceedings he had asked Wali Khan to sign some document. Wali Khan started reading the paper very carefully, Qasoori told him jokingly “ Khan Sahib, its not divorce papers, so don’t read it so carefully,” Wali Khan replied in a serious tone “ Qasoori Sahib, if our women asks us for divorce, they are not to be blamed, because when I was born my father was in jail and my mother wished that her husband was with her in that hard time but instead my mother passed away while my father remained in jail. I saw my father for the first time when I was seven years old. And when Asfandyar was born, I was in jail and I saw my son for the first time when he was three years old. Asfandyar’s mother, my wife passed away while I was in jail, so we have only given pain to our women.” Bacha Khan’s through his “Khudai Khidmatgar” movement started to improve the lives of Afghans and asked the Pakhtoons to come out of backwardness, illiteracy, and to stop the tribal feuds with each other. Bacha Khan strongly believed in a peaceful world and his independence was dearer to him than his life. Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Wali Khan, Begum Naseem and Asfandyar Wali Khan considers democracy as their faith and none of them have ever accepted any ministry or power. Once Mujeeb Ur Rehman Shami and I went to meet Wali Khan at Shahi Bagh. Wali Khan told us “we have even appointed your Muslim League member as governor of NWFP.” At that time Arbab Sikander Khan Khalil was the governor of NWFP, he had spent his entire life in ANP and his father was from Muslim League. By this statement of Wali Khan, one could very well understand the differences between NAP and the Muslim League. A person whose father was a Muslim League member and his entire life time association with NAP could not even get him the status of being a complete “Khudai Khidmatgar.” It was 1972, when I first got the opportunity to property see Wali Khan, he was leader of the opposition in the National Assembly and he use to completely dominate the assembly with his presence. His party had partial government in the two small provinces, just like MMA has these days. At that time Pakistan army had recently been defeated, ninety thousand of its troops were hostage with India and there was no sight of constitution. Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto had created other hurdles for Wali Khan as well, which later became to be the reasons for dissolution of NAP’s governments. At that time Wali Khan truly proved to be a statesman. Wali Khan came out as a conqueror with regard to provincial autonomy issue, while Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto was leading towards individual style of government. Wali Khan was facing tough time during those days and he even comprised his provincial interests for the sake of Pakistan. In my opinion, Khan Abdul Wali Khan displayed more maturity then Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto with regard to having a national constitution and that is what had made Pakistan stronger and stable at that time. For opposition the attitude of Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto was intolerable and under the leadership of Wali Khan we all fastened our struggle for democracy. At that point, when racial war was about to take time, all the opposition parties formed a combined platform and I was appointed as Convenor. Wali Khan not only appreciated my appointment as Convenor but he had also used great words for the sacrifices which I had rendered for achieving democracy. I am very fond of Asfanyar Wali Khan but it not only due to his personality. It was my right to disagree with his elders on some political issues and even now in many issues our ideas are ways apart from each other, but one thing is for sure which can not be ignored and that is since the Independence of Pakistan, the attitude of Punjab towards smaller provinces has been very unfair and whenever somebody raises the issue of provincial autonomy, he is being victimized for being a traitor. And since I have been declared a traitor, others who have been declared traitors seems near and dear to me, but Wali Khan in particular was always very dear to me. When I contacted Asfandyar Wali Khan to condole the death of Wali Khan, he said “you know very well how much “baba” use to love you” after he had said that tears started flowing from my eyes. I remembered all those time when he was kind and courteous to me. Begum Naseem Wali also repeated the same words that “Khan Sahib use to love you a lot.” I consider the death of Wali Khan as passing away of my close family member and it is a fact that his death has brought about grief not only for his family and me but it’s a grief for the entire Afghan nation, a grief for all those with conscious and a grief for all those around the world who are struggling for democracy and freedom. Did Ghaffar Khan spend 28 years in prison for no reason? Did Wali Khan struggle out of his stubbornness? Asfandyar Wali who only owns a hundred kanal of land and having financial constrains is struggling without a goal? I believe in third world countries there is hardly any example of such a family, a family to whom their principles and values matter the most. Now all the responsibility lies on the shoulders of Asfandyar Wali Khan and my best wishes are with him. Once Wali Khan told me “Javed, keep the flag flying.” I had considered this a big honour for myself. Now I would like to say the same thing from my jail cell in Kotlakhpat that “Asfanyar; keep the flag flying.” In 1972, when I was being framed in a murder case, while sitting in Kotlakhpat Jail I was thinking, “what did I do wrong by participating in university election to in the president seat? Why am I being implicated in a case in which I could be hanged to death? I don’t want to live in this death cell all my life. I was thinking about running away from Pakistan. My love for the homeland had nose-dived.” But once my concept changed, I have stopped giving a certificate of patriotism to others. For half a century, Wali Khan and his family rendered sacrifices for the greater glory of Pakistan but simultaneously endured all trials and tribulations with stoicism, Have we taken a leaf out of their book in terms of patriotism? The question does beg an answer. Salam,
your father Makhdoom Javed Hashmi.
Tributes paid to Wali Khan, Bacha Khan
Tributes paid to Wali Khan, Bacha Khan
Fencing, mining border can split Pushtoons:
AsfandyarVows to follow political philosophy of late ANP leaders
Says APC to be attended with party’s reservations.
Qisar khan Afredi PESHAWAR: More than 50,000 followers of Bacha Khan while paying rich tribute to late Khan Abdul Wali Khan at his first death anniversary pledged to follow and pursue political philosophy of their great leaders.Wearing red caps, scores of people from across the province and Fata Friday gathered at the main square of Charsadda bazaar and covered all four routs on the eve of the first death anniversary of late Wali Khan.All the roads leading to Charsadda were decorated with red flags and banners inscribed with slogans in favour of the Pushtoon nation and late Abdul Wali Khan.The leaders of ANP including Ajmal Khattak, Begum Nasim Wali Khan, Afzal Khan Lala, Afrasiyab Khattak, Abdul Latif Afridi, Ghulam Ahmed Bilour, Bashir Ahmed Bilour, Main Iftikhar and others attended the gathering.Speaking on the occasion, Awami National Party (ANP) Central President Asfandyar Wali Khan while showering glowing tribute to his father said late Wali Khan had contributed to the cause of democracy, provincial rights and Pushtoon cause.“He is not with us but he is alive and his political thoughts are alive,” the nationalist leader asserted and pledged to follow the footsteps of late Bacha Khan and Wali Khan. Pinpointing various problems being faced by the Pushtoon nation, Asfandyar said Pushtoons had been passing through a very critical time as they were being made scapegoat at all fronts, which he added now was unbearable for them.Lashing out at the federal government for its proposed plan to mine and fence the Afghan border, the nationalist leader warned nobody could dare to divide the Pushtoons living on both side of the Durand Line.“We will resist it at all front like we in past to compel the government to draw the decision of constructing Kalabagh Dam. We are one and nobody can divide us,” he shouted with full-throated slogan along with the other participants.Unfolding a letter, he sent to Nawaz Sharif regarding the All Parties Conference (APC), he informed “In my reply to the invitation I had pinpointed some reservations over some issues which are not included on the agenda including the Fata, Balochistan and right on resources.” He added the ANP would not participate in the APC unless and until their demands were addressed.About the alliance with the Jamiat Ulema Islam (JUI) in the upcoming general election, he said “We both can’t go together unless JUI sever its alliance with the PML (Q) in Balochistan.” Wining the recently held by-election in Bajaur Agency by the ANP leader was a first drop of the rain; he said and vowed to sweep the upcoming election in the province.Begum Nasim Wali Khan on the occasion said late Khan Abdul Wali Khan had dedicated his whole life for the Pushtoon cause rather than for his self-interest. “He was an intellectual, an orthodox Muslim, writer and a forecaster and I spent 51 years with him but never had I noticed a negative point of his personality,” she continued.About the current situation, she said killing the innocent Pushtoons had become a routine matter. Quoting an American newspaper, she said Pakistani agencies were involved in the worsening situation in Pushtoon belt.Ajmal Khattak, Afzal Khan Lala, Ghulam Ahmed Bilour, Bashir Ahmed Bilour and Main Iftikhar also spoke on the occasion and lauded the efforts of Bacha Khan and Khan Abdul Wali Khan for their struggle for the Pushtoon nation. The nationalist leaders called upon the people to follow and pursue the political philosophy of their great leaders and struggle for their rights which were being denied.
Fencing, mining border can split Pushtoons:
AsfandyarVows to follow political philosophy of late ANP leaders
Says APC to be attended with party’s reservations.
Qisar khan Afredi PESHAWAR: More than 50,000 followers of Bacha Khan while paying rich tribute to late Khan Abdul Wali Khan at his first death anniversary pledged to follow and pursue political philosophy of their great leaders.Wearing red caps, scores of people from across the province and Fata Friday gathered at the main square of Charsadda bazaar and covered all four routs on the eve of the first death anniversary of late Wali Khan.All the roads leading to Charsadda were decorated with red flags and banners inscribed with slogans in favour of the Pushtoon nation and late Abdul Wali Khan.The leaders of ANP including Ajmal Khattak, Begum Nasim Wali Khan, Afzal Khan Lala, Afrasiyab Khattak, Abdul Latif Afridi, Ghulam Ahmed Bilour, Bashir Ahmed Bilour, Main Iftikhar and others attended the gathering.Speaking on the occasion, Awami National Party (ANP) Central President Asfandyar Wali Khan while showering glowing tribute to his father said late Wali Khan had contributed to the cause of democracy, provincial rights and Pushtoon cause.“He is not with us but he is alive and his political thoughts are alive,” the nationalist leader asserted and pledged to follow the footsteps of late Bacha Khan and Wali Khan. Pinpointing various problems being faced by the Pushtoon nation, Asfandyar said Pushtoons had been passing through a very critical time as they were being made scapegoat at all fronts, which he added now was unbearable for them.Lashing out at the federal government for its proposed plan to mine and fence the Afghan border, the nationalist leader warned nobody could dare to divide the Pushtoons living on both side of the Durand Line.“We will resist it at all front like we in past to compel the government to draw the decision of constructing Kalabagh Dam. We are one and nobody can divide us,” he shouted with full-throated slogan along with the other participants.Unfolding a letter, he sent to Nawaz Sharif regarding the All Parties Conference (APC), he informed “In my reply to the invitation I had pinpointed some reservations over some issues which are not included on the agenda including the Fata, Balochistan and right on resources.” He added the ANP would not participate in the APC unless and until their demands were addressed.About the alliance with the Jamiat Ulema Islam (JUI) in the upcoming general election, he said “We both can’t go together unless JUI sever its alliance with the PML (Q) in Balochistan.” Wining the recently held by-election in Bajaur Agency by the ANP leader was a first drop of the rain; he said and vowed to sweep the upcoming election in the province.Begum Nasim Wali Khan on the occasion said late Khan Abdul Wali Khan had dedicated his whole life for the Pushtoon cause rather than for his self-interest. “He was an intellectual, an orthodox Muslim, writer and a forecaster and I spent 51 years with him but never had I noticed a negative point of his personality,” she continued.About the current situation, she said killing the innocent Pushtoons had become a routine matter. Quoting an American newspaper, she said Pakistani agencies were involved in the worsening situation in Pushtoon belt.Ajmal Khattak, Afzal Khan Lala, Ghulam Ahmed Bilour, Bashir Ahmed Bilour and Main Iftikhar also spoke on the occasion and lauded the efforts of Bacha Khan and Khan Abdul Wali Khan for their struggle for the Pushtoon nation. The nationalist leaders called upon the people to follow and pursue the political philosophy of their great leaders and struggle for their rights which were being denied.
Friday, January 26, 2007
Remembering Wali Khan
Remembering Wali Khan
Editorial
Editorial
Great leaders are unforgettable. They are remembered for long. So will it be with Khan Abdul Wali Khan, a leader of sterling qualities, who departed us on this doleful day a year ago to mourn his irreparable loss for a long time to come. But greatness has both foes and friends. And so was it with the great Khan. He had admirers and detractors alike. Yet, the tirades of his revilers didn't throw him off balance. Nor did the adulation of his fans throw him off the track. Unswervingly, he remained what he was: a man deeply committed to his ideals, beliefs and principles. And a hardnosed democrat he was to the bone, not susceptible to any temptation, no matter how seductive, or to any threats, no matter how menacing, to compromise on his dedication to democracy and civilian rule. When, in 1972, late Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who had then become the first-ever civilian in the country's annals to wear the mantle of the chief martial law administrator, offered to lift the martial law in lieu of an interim constitution, the Khan as the leader of the parliamentary opposition went for it. Even a sham democratic rule that the interim constitution provided for was better than the rule of the baton and the jackboots, he said. And he signed up to the 1973 constitution, even though he found it falling far short of the people's popular aspirations, hopes and expectations. A constitutional dispensation, no matter how flawed, was, in any case, preferable to an authoritative or autocratic order, he maintained. But his love for democracy and civilian rule was not cost free. For this, he was always at the receiving end of the autocratic rulers, both uniformed and civilians alike. And every time, he had to pay a heavy price for it. Nonetheless, for him the crunch came when in a patently politically vindictive move he was implicated in the infamous Hyderabad conspiracy case, a cooked-up sedition charge, in the mid-1970s. His National Awami Party was summarily outlawed and he, along with his top party leaders, was bundled away to the Hyderabad jail to keep languishing for years without indictment. Yet, even that searing experience didn't eat up his passion for the people's rule, nor did it slow down in any manner his commitment to democratic order. He stayed, unwaveringly, a staunch democracy enthusiast, out-and-out until his last breath. And he was decidedly a great patriot, though often misunderstood, and not infrequently tendentiously misrepresented as well. Yet, his wilful denigrators couldn't stop him from speaking up honestly, sincerely and boldly whenever a felt that something was underway that in the long run would hurt the nation and its supreme interests incurably. When after the 1970 national polls, he vehemently called for respecting its outcome and for listening intently to the party that had scored a decisive majority, failing which he forewarned a political crisis of unmanageable proportions and unforeseeable consequences would inevitably precipitate, his detractors pooh-poohed his fervent pleas. They mischievously give them the meanings he had not meant at all, and maliciously read in them his own fissiparous intents which were not there at all. Subsequent events proved he was absolutely right and they were totally wrong. And when the Pakistan government unnecessarily got involved on the side of the United States and its western allies to humble down the Soviet invaders in Afghanistan, he cautioned it again and again that it was putting its hands in the hornets' nest that would bite the nation for the long time to come. His slanderers kept dubbing him even as a Soviet agent and what not. But undeterred he kept reminding the powers-that-be of the inevitable horrendous consequence of their involvement, often alluding to the famous Pashto saying that when two elephants fight the frogs get crushed. Yet no heed was paid to his pleas, which the events have shown to be very valid and very true. The nation is yet to get out of the hurtful religious fanaticism, gun culture and drugs addiction which that involvement infested it with. Throughout his life, Khan Wali Khan remained a constant target of vindictive politics and character assassination of the establishments, political foes and ideological adversaries. Yet he never caved in to their machinations nor ever caviled at their ploys. For the most part, he would just shrug them off; and quite often, with the robust Pashtun humour, he would just laugh away the hostile tirades of his denigrates. By every account, he was leader of great eminence, vision and foresight. And it will not be easy to fill the vacuum he has created with his departure. May Allah rest his soul in eternal peace. Amen. Editorial of Daily The Frontier Post Peshawar
Thursday, January 25, 2007
Demise of a dream
Demise of a dream
Adil Zareef
Only a dead nation remembers its heroes when they die - the real nations respect them when they are alive.” These were the golden words famously uttered by the great Bacha Khan of the Pukhtoons - Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan as known to the rest of the world - also nicknamed as “Sarhadi Gandhi” by his admirers and foes alike.
But I learnt about this quote when Baba (Wali Khan) confided to me in one of his lengthy discourses on the freedom struggle, and what became of the subcontinent after the birth of India and Pakistan. This “special relationship” was conferred upon a few others, besides me, as we happened to be class fellows of Dr Gulalae Wali Khan, who was herself an idealist and dreamer like the rest of our generation. Che Guevara’s icon was our trademark as it was a symbol of resistance for the rest of the world.
So many times I had thought about writing a biography of this great and dignified man who shaped my political and social thought during my growing up years. But the exigencies of this world took me away from this indulgent idea and today I am left vexing to write an obituary to this legend known to the world as Khan Abdul Wali Khan. What compels me to write this - as the various cable networks scramble to make headlines news of this sad news - reminding me of the quote mentioned above.
It is indeed a difficult task to accomplish - especially for a political titan who shared his thoughts and ideas so earnestly and whose courage and principled life will serve as a beacon to many who watch political pygmies and charlatans straddling the political horizon that change colours and shades more easily than any biological chameleon.
But again the section of national press will lavish praise on this great legend for standing stiff against a string of dictators right from Ayub Khan, Yahya Khan, Zia ul Haq and lastly President Musharraf - perhaps it was in his blood - as was the resistance to the Kalabagh dam and the Afghan war and the detente with India and resolution of the Kashmir dispute - that diverts precious human and economic resources away from the development and progress of the subcontinent.
True these causes symbolised Bacha Khan’s struggle for justice and fair play as it did Wali Khan’s political career and the legacy seems to carry on the political heirs of ANP in the future.
Analysing it closely one can identify the unifying strain of resistance against injustice and inequality in all these struggles. As Kalabagh dam seems to unify nationalists of all hues and strains against the World Bank-led hegemony of international consortium to plunder the resources of Third World nations in the name of development and progress, giving them in return a legacy of debt as the dollar-driven consultants have enriched themselves. Long after the profiteers of this international gang of Big Business and Big Money have enriched their coffers and bestowed environmental and social catastrophes - besides perpetual enslavement that shall linger on for generations to come.
Kashmir and Pak-India détente was Wali Khan’s theme as was Bacha Khan’s. Now with the end of the Cold War, the subcontinent offers an opportunity for a big market for the Western world. For nationalists, the perpetual conflict in the region kept them from their due position as major players in the world scene. Strangely enough, with Western prodding, India and Pakistan are dancing the proverbial foxtrot (despite a few missed steps) but ironically the Iron Wall on the western (Afghan) border remains as high and even more pronounced after the end of Cold War. In other words, one can dance the bhangra with fellow Punjabis across the border - but Pukhtoons will remain divided along the Durand line and cannot do the Atanh together! Bacha Khan’s or Wali Khan’s dream of a united Pukhtoon nation remains unfulfilled despite their Punjabi compatriots, jump-frogging the Wagah border.
Finally, the Afghan conflict came to have been a defining moment in Afghan politics as well as Pakistan’s. Wali Khan, like his compatriots, had objected to the superpower meddling in the region, which in his words will bleed the Pukhtoons. Watching Waziristan and Bajaur and the rest of NWFP, this prophecy seems to have come true. Now the religious right seems more vociferous in anti-Americanism than the left was during the bygone Cold War years - but the lesson of non-violence and peace was never a Pukhtoon trait - otherwise ours would have been a happier world.
Wali Khan said goodbye to politics after his defeat to Maulana Hasan Jan during the 1990 elections. He simply left the political scene - a graceful act in this dastardly world of politics.
Fifteen years on, one wonders who has had the last laugh. Perhaps Wali Khan is no more with us but his sagacity and vision shall guide the future generations - that is if we can avoid the follies and traps that he and the great Bacha Khan warned us about - but we did not heed their advice because Pukhtoons are a too greedy, impatient and unprincipled lot as a nation. Wali Khan never surrendered or bowed down to power intrigues - so he shall never die.
__________________
Zahid/khyberwatch pa manana
Adil Zareef
Only a dead nation remembers its heroes when they die - the real nations respect them when they are alive.” These were the golden words famously uttered by the great Bacha Khan of the Pukhtoons - Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan as known to the rest of the world - also nicknamed as “Sarhadi Gandhi” by his admirers and foes alike.
But I learnt about this quote when Baba (Wali Khan) confided to me in one of his lengthy discourses on the freedom struggle, and what became of the subcontinent after the birth of India and Pakistan. This “special relationship” was conferred upon a few others, besides me, as we happened to be class fellows of Dr Gulalae Wali Khan, who was herself an idealist and dreamer like the rest of our generation. Che Guevara’s icon was our trademark as it was a symbol of resistance for the rest of the world.
So many times I had thought about writing a biography of this great and dignified man who shaped my political and social thought during my growing up years. But the exigencies of this world took me away from this indulgent idea and today I am left vexing to write an obituary to this legend known to the world as Khan Abdul Wali Khan. What compels me to write this - as the various cable networks scramble to make headlines news of this sad news - reminding me of the quote mentioned above.
It is indeed a difficult task to accomplish - especially for a political titan who shared his thoughts and ideas so earnestly and whose courage and principled life will serve as a beacon to many who watch political pygmies and charlatans straddling the political horizon that change colours and shades more easily than any biological chameleon.
But again the section of national press will lavish praise on this great legend for standing stiff against a string of dictators right from Ayub Khan, Yahya Khan, Zia ul Haq and lastly President Musharraf - perhaps it was in his blood - as was the resistance to the Kalabagh dam and the Afghan war and the detente with India and resolution of the Kashmir dispute - that diverts precious human and economic resources away from the development and progress of the subcontinent.
True these causes symbolised Bacha Khan’s struggle for justice and fair play as it did Wali Khan’s political career and the legacy seems to carry on the political heirs of ANP in the future.
Analysing it closely one can identify the unifying strain of resistance against injustice and inequality in all these struggles. As Kalabagh dam seems to unify nationalists of all hues and strains against the World Bank-led hegemony of international consortium to plunder the resources of Third World nations in the name of development and progress, giving them in return a legacy of debt as the dollar-driven consultants have enriched themselves. Long after the profiteers of this international gang of Big Business and Big Money have enriched their coffers and bestowed environmental and social catastrophes - besides perpetual enslavement that shall linger on for generations to come.
Kashmir and Pak-India détente was Wali Khan’s theme as was Bacha Khan’s. Now with the end of the Cold War, the subcontinent offers an opportunity for a big market for the Western world. For nationalists, the perpetual conflict in the region kept them from their due position as major players in the world scene. Strangely enough, with Western prodding, India and Pakistan are dancing the proverbial foxtrot (despite a few missed steps) but ironically the Iron Wall on the western (Afghan) border remains as high and even more pronounced after the end of Cold War. In other words, one can dance the bhangra with fellow Punjabis across the border - but Pukhtoons will remain divided along the Durand line and cannot do the Atanh together! Bacha Khan’s or Wali Khan’s dream of a united Pukhtoon nation remains unfulfilled despite their Punjabi compatriots, jump-frogging the Wagah border.
Finally, the Afghan conflict came to have been a defining moment in Afghan politics as well as Pakistan’s. Wali Khan, like his compatriots, had objected to the superpower meddling in the region, which in his words will bleed the Pukhtoons. Watching Waziristan and Bajaur and the rest of NWFP, this prophecy seems to have come true. Now the religious right seems more vociferous in anti-Americanism than the left was during the bygone Cold War years - but the lesson of non-violence and peace was never a Pukhtoon trait - otherwise ours would have been a happier world.
Wali Khan said goodbye to politics after his defeat to Maulana Hasan Jan during the 1990 elections. He simply left the political scene - a graceful act in this dastardly world of politics.
Fifteen years on, one wonders who has had the last laugh. Perhaps Wali Khan is no more with us but his sagacity and vision shall guide the future generations - that is if we can avoid the follies and traps that he and the great Bacha Khan warned us about - but we did not heed their advice because Pukhtoons are a too greedy, impatient and unprincipled lot as a nation. Wali Khan never surrendered or bowed down to power intrigues - so he shall never die.
__________________
Zahid/khyberwatch pa manana
Tuesday, January 23, 2007
Malak Ahmad yousafzai
source:
SOASTUS wrote:
how accurate is this article?????
http://www.pukhtunwomen.org/node/127
Malik Ahmad Khan
Posted in by melma/melmuna on Mon, 2007-01-22 05:36
In Ala-Dand –Derai, a simple mound of earth gently cared for by the hands of the thousands of women who have come to find a conduit for their prayers is the last resting place of a man who shaped the future of the Yousafzay.
Were it not for the women who come to light candles, it would have been impossible to find the grave at all. The picturesque beauty of this place is befitting for the man who all his life struggled for the safety and unity of his people.
Surrounded by green paddy fields, the gentle gurgling streams of fresh water flow past the tall trees against the perfect backdrop of snow capped mountains is a place that is very peaceful and soothing. Forgotten and ignored sleeps Malik Ahmad the greatest Yusufzai ever.
The Huns invaded Gandhara (present day Peshawar), in the early part of the 5th century, forcing the inhabitants to flee. Among the many displaced were the Yusufzai, Khakhey and Ghoriakhel clans of the Pukhtuns. Ultimately ending up in a place across the mountains, they settled down. This place was first called Gandhar and eventually Qandahar, here the clans prospered and multiplied for nine hundred years.
It was with their support and especially the Yousafzai that a young, inexperienced Ulugh Beg ascended the throne of Kabul in the year 1470 A.D. Instrumental in bringing him to power the Yousafzai enjoyed great power and distinction at court. Sadly this importance and the resulting arrogance earned them many enemies. Ulugh Beg on consolidating his position no longer needing their support and the rising discord among the Yousafzai and their cousin clans proved to be the nail in the coffin for them.
Attacking the Yousafzai, Ulugh Beg initially faced defeat in the fierce battle of “Ghawara Murgha”. The dispersed Yousafzai under their leader Suleiman Shah took cover in the mountains and raiding frequently proved a thorn in the side of Ulugh Beg.
Attempts to subdue the Yousafzai proved futile, forcing a change of strategy, forcing Ulugh Beg to approach them with conciliatory efforts. The policy proved successful, and as soon as trust was established, Ulugh Beg invited seven hundred elders of the Yousafzai to his court. All the attendees were killed and only a few managed to escape.
This sudden loss of their elders and leaders left the Yousafzai weak and unprotected. The dead men had left behind at least 700 widows and orphaned children in the thousands. The surviving men convened a Jirga and unanimously agreed on Ahmad Khan as their leader and gave him the title of Malik.
Malik Ahmad Khan son of Malik Sultan Shah son of Malik Tajudin son of Malik Qasim of the Ranazai branch of Yousafzai was from a long line of leaders of the tribe. Due to the conflicting dates of various records there is a discrepancy between the age of Malik Ahmad at the time, by some accounts he was16 years old and by others he was 20 years old at the time.
Either way it seems that Malik Ahmad must have had leadership qualities to be chosen at such a young age as a leader of the entire tribe. The responsibility and survival of an entire tribe was placed into the hands of a boy.
A decision was made for the whole tribe to migrate back to Peshawar, contacting the other tribes including Mohammadzais, Gaduns, and Utman Khel, a plan was made to search and find suitable settlement for all those who wished to leave. To plan the logistics of a mass exodus a plan of several stages was formulated, according to which Malik Ahmad Khan himself proceeded to Peshawar to meet the elders of the Dalazak tribe.
The Dalazak were a Pukhtun tribe that had settled a vast area that included the Bajaur, Nangrahar, Doaba, Kalpani and most of the Peshawar valley up to the banks of the Indus river.
Malik Ahmad Khan met the Dalazak and asked for an area to settle his clans. The Dalazak generously handed over a fertile tract of land called Doaba. This place was situated at the junction of the Kabul and Swat River, (present day Shabqadar, Michni, Battagram and Adizai) Accepting their offer Malik Ahmad pointed out that he would need more space since the people who wanted to migrate were a considerably large number. Per this request land as far as Bajaur was granted, with hint that should that not suffice then the Dehgans could be driven out of Ashnagar.
The first wave of settlers were established in Doaba, and subsequent arrivees under the command of Mir Jamal Amanzai were ordered further up to the valleys of Danishkol and Ambur. Others moved into Bajaur, acquiring the southern valley up to Lashora, (present day Khar), extending all the way to Jandol.
As the Yousafzai advanced North towards Jandol, they were stopped by the men of Malik Haibu a Dalazak leader of that area. Not being present at the meetingof the Dilazak, he claimed he had no allegiance to the decisions made there and was thus not bound by any promises. The advancing Yousafzai stopped and made camp at Lashora while word was sent to Malik Ahmad in Doaba apprising him of the situation.
Not in favour of a head on confrontation, Malik Ahmad tried a diplomatic approach. He succeeded in getting a pledge of allegiance from the Dalazak of Peshawar in writing, which was promptly rejected by Malik Haibu. This caused a rift between the Dalazak of Peshawar and those of Jandole.
Malik Ahmad started to organize his men and made strategic alliances with the Khalils, Tarklanris and Mohmands. A last minute delegation headed by Malik Surkhab (Tarklanri) and Malik Gukar (Mohmand) approached Haibu. Finding Haibu unreasonable, the Tarklanris of Lughman and the Mohmand of Kabul also joined the alliance.
A battle took place near the stream of Lashora, in which Haibu and his brother Jahan Shah were killed. The Yousafzai then advanced into Bajaur without any hindrance. The Khalils were compensated by getting a generous share in Bajaur. This victory increased the standing of the Yousafzai amongst the other tribes.
Leaving Mir Jamal Amanzai in charge at Jandol, Malik Ahmad went back to Doaba. Sadly the relation between Yousafzai and Khalils got strained and both resorted to plundering each other’s property. Encroachment of each others pastures led to a battle on the border of Lashora and Babqara along the Barikab stream at Warsak in Bajaur. Mir Jamal was defeated and this victory made the Khalils more aggressive.
Bajaur was a strategically important territory and Malik Ahmad could not allow for it to be destabilized. Malik Ahmad Khan began to ready the Yousafzai men for fighting. By succeeding in negotiations, he also gained cooperation of Haibu’s sons and thus his tribe. Finally a confrontation took place at Sangar Darra near Nawagai. With heavy casualties on both sides, the Khalil were defeated.
Sultan Owais a Jehangiri, ruled the Kingdom of Swat. Ashnagar was part of his Kingdom too, but its startejic position made it it an attractive target for the Yousafzai. The Shalmanies who lived there had originally been from Kirman Tira and were ethnically different from Swat Dehgans.
Through a decisive battle fought at Jaindi River, both the Shalmanies and Dehgans were pushed out from the plains of Behlol, Sher Khanai, Katlang, Main Khan and Sangao and pursed to Bazdara and the foot of Morah hills.
This expansion strengthened the Yousafzai and gave a little stability to their unstable and unpredictable lives, where rival powerful forces were a threat to their very existence. The ambitious expansions had made many of their neighbours envious and fearful.
The Dalazaks, of Peshawar, Mardan, Nowshera and Swabi were Pukhtuns who had settled in the area for many centuries, and were confident of their strength and numbers. Sultan Owais was very powerful in his own right, and Malik Ahmad was now tightening his grip on territories, that extended from Bajaur, Ashnaghar and Doaba right up to Morah pass and the foothill, of Malakand.
The undefined common borders with one each other, frequently resulted in accusations of encroachment, interference and even plundering of cattle. Petty clashes, created hostilities between the Dalazak and the Yousafzai, which ultimately led to a deadly battle , fought , at Spinkhak near Michni and Warsak. After heavy loss of life on both sides, the outcome of the battle remained undecided.
The Dalazak prepared for a decisive battle with the Yousafzai . In response, the Yousafzai also regrouped and it was evident that massive loss of life would once again take place. Malik Ahmad decided that enough blood had been shed and therefore personally went to the house of Malik Mohammad Khan the Dalazak leader, and by virtue of Pukhtunwali laws, all differences were peacefully settled.
Peace with the Dalazak let Malik Ahmad Khan turn his attention towards Swat. Consulting Shaikh Milli, Malik Qara, (father of Kaju Khan), Mahmood Bin Yahya Akozai and some other prominent elders, they got an unexpected opportunity to better plan.
Malik Ahmad's sister was married to Sultan Owais and when she died Malik Ahmad and twenty of his men set out for Manglore to pay their condolences. Sultan Owais came from Manglore to Thanara (Thana) to receive them. Staying for a week at Bukhta a town near Thana , gave Malik Ahmad Khan a chance to familiarize himself with strategic geographical, political and military positions.
Malik Ahmad returned to set camp at the foot of Morah hills. They stayed there for more than two months, during which they were regularly receiving updated intelligence reports about the position and strength of their rivals.
A decision was made to attack Thana from the Malakand side. It was decided that a few people remain at the Morah camp, so that the nightly lit fires would deceive the enemy into thinking that they had not yet broken camp. A large contingent of the Yousafzai marched under cover of darkness from the Malakand side. A massive surprise attack was launched on the Swati’s, many of them were slaughtered and others fled to Thana.
The Yousafzai advanced to a village called Dag Khar and from there they marched on to Thana. The Swaties lost the battle and fled with the Yousafzai in pursuit. Malik Ahmad Khan moved systematically, occupying and consolidating, by ejecting the local population and colonizing the Yousafzai in their stead.
Having secured Swat, Malik Ahmad Khan turned his attention to the surrounding areas. The villages, of Talash valley were conquered after which the Mutravi the lands to the south of the Swat River were attacked.
A village called Balogram was home to their chief Malik Hassan. The inhabitants considered themselves Yousafzai having come from Kandhar much earlier. This did not spare them and they too were killed and the land occupied.
All this hostile take over’s had brought Malik Ahmad to Babur’s attention, who was getting regular updates. Babur sent a formal invitation to Malik Ahmad to come and present himself at court.
The Dalazak who were uncomfortable with the aggressive expansion had strengthened their favour with Babur. They were strongly against Malik Ahmad coming to court and winning over Babur .
Malik Ahmad spent a couple of days in Kabul appraising the situation and familiarizing himself with the working of Babur’s court, before alerting them to his arrival. The constant negative reports of the Dilazak made Babur give him a cold welcome.
Malik Ahmad proceeded to unbutton his outer garment, an intrigued Babur inquired into the reason. Malik Ahmad replied that it was his understanding that Babur intended to put him to death with his bow and arrow, and now with so many eyes upon them he wanted to make sure that Babur did not miss his target. Babur was amused with the reply and asked Malik Ahmad:
“You knew Behlol Lodhi, what sort of man is Behlol Lodhi?"
"He was but a giver of horses," said Ahmad.
"And of what sort of man is his son Sikandar?"
"A giver of robes"
"And what sort of man is Babur?"
"You sire, are a giver of heads."
Babur laughed and said, "I give you yours."
Leaving Kabul under good terms with Babur, Malik Ahmad returned home, but the next year (1518) Babur invited him back to Kabul. Malik Ahmad sent his cousin Shah Mansur son of Suleiman Shah in his stead. Babur on meeting Shah Mansur mainly inquired about Malik Ahmad Khan and his activities. Babur did not happy with the excuse of Malik Ahmad’s absence and expressed his displeasure.
Babur followed Shah Mansur back to Bajaur and set camp at Diyaron. Babur on marrying Bibi Mubaraka promised to leave the Yousafzai alone and shortly left.
The Yousafzai settled deeper and deeper into Swat and other Pukhtun tribes namely the Gigiani moved into the Doaba area. Once again quarrels broke out, this time between the Gigiani and the Dalazak.
The Gigiani turned to Kabul for help to fight the Dalazak. Malik Ahmad was not happy about outside interference in what he though to be strictly Pukhtun matters. Babur who had needed an excuse came riding back in 1519 and set camp near a village of the Umerkhel of the Dalazak. A fierce battle on the banks of Kalpanri stream took place, where the Umerkhel bravely fought against an army that outnumbered them by the thousands. The defeated Dalazak fled to the “Karamar” hills. Staying at Langar Kot (present day Gari Kapura), Babur spent the night. marching to Doaba through Ashnaghar the next day. There he attended a feast arranged in his honour by Malik Humza the chief of Gigiani. Awarding royal robes and honours, Babur then marched back to Kabul.
Malik Ahmad had managed to stay neutral throughout all this, but found the developments very interesting. The Gigiani sought the support of the Mohammadzais, their neighbour in Nangrahar. Together they attacked the Dalazak in a battle at Gulbela, which resulted in massive loss of lives, and property on both sides. This time the Dalazak were victorious.
Fearing retribution, the Gigiani turned to Malik Ahmad Khan for help. Keeping an eye on the strength and activities of Dalazak, he called a meeting of the elders of the Yousafzai of Swat, Sama, Ashnaghar and Bajaur. He also met the Utmankhel, Gaddun and Shalmani. Sending Shaikh Milli to the Gigiani of Doaba and Kabul, Mohammdzai of Nangrahar, and Tarklani of Lughman, Malik Ahmad Khan succeeded in forming a confederacy.
Under the command of Malik Ahmad Khan a large army encamped on the bank of the Guddar stream near Katlang. Anoher contingent of armed men camped at Bigyara shortly following them to Guddar. The Dalazak camped out at Langar Kot (present Garhi Kupura) and Shehbaz Ghara, their men were from Peshawar, Hazara, Tarbela, Pehure, Sherdara, Punjtar.
The Dalazak advanced to Guddar and surprised Malik Ahmads men by attacking earlier than anticipated. The Guddar stream was overflowing with the dead, ultimately Malik Ahmads men were victorious. The defeated Dalazak were pursued as far as 30 miles till Jalbai and Jalsai From there the Dalazak dispersed to Munara Now Zarobai( http://www.zarobi.8k.com/) finally crossing the Indus into Hazara.
Malik Ahmad Khan issued orders that all prisoners be immediately released and treated honourably.
Shaikh Malli came up with a system to distribute the land equally among the victors which is still in use today. Malik Ahmad died in 1535.
SOASTUS wrote:
how accurate is this article?????
http://www.pukhtunwomen.org/node/127
Malik Ahmad Khan
Posted in by melma/melmuna on Mon, 2007-01-22 05:36
In Ala-Dand –Derai, a simple mound of earth gently cared for by the hands of the thousands of women who have come to find a conduit for their prayers is the last resting place of a man who shaped the future of the Yousafzay.
Were it not for the women who come to light candles, it would have been impossible to find the grave at all. The picturesque beauty of this place is befitting for the man who all his life struggled for the safety and unity of his people.
Surrounded by green paddy fields, the gentle gurgling streams of fresh water flow past the tall trees against the perfect backdrop of snow capped mountains is a place that is very peaceful and soothing. Forgotten and ignored sleeps Malik Ahmad the greatest Yusufzai ever.
The Huns invaded Gandhara (present day Peshawar), in the early part of the 5th century, forcing the inhabitants to flee. Among the many displaced were the Yusufzai, Khakhey and Ghoriakhel clans of the Pukhtuns. Ultimately ending up in a place across the mountains, they settled down. This place was first called Gandhar and eventually Qandahar, here the clans prospered and multiplied for nine hundred years.
It was with their support and especially the Yousafzai that a young, inexperienced Ulugh Beg ascended the throne of Kabul in the year 1470 A.D. Instrumental in bringing him to power the Yousafzai enjoyed great power and distinction at court. Sadly this importance and the resulting arrogance earned them many enemies. Ulugh Beg on consolidating his position no longer needing their support and the rising discord among the Yousafzai and their cousin clans proved to be the nail in the coffin for them.
Attacking the Yousafzai, Ulugh Beg initially faced defeat in the fierce battle of “Ghawara Murgha”. The dispersed Yousafzai under their leader Suleiman Shah took cover in the mountains and raiding frequently proved a thorn in the side of Ulugh Beg.
Attempts to subdue the Yousafzai proved futile, forcing a change of strategy, forcing Ulugh Beg to approach them with conciliatory efforts. The policy proved successful, and as soon as trust was established, Ulugh Beg invited seven hundred elders of the Yousafzai to his court. All the attendees were killed and only a few managed to escape.
This sudden loss of their elders and leaders left the Yousafzai weak and unprotected. The dead men had left behind at least 700 widows and orphaned children in the thousands. The surviving men convened a Jirga and unanimously agreed on Ahmad Khan as their leader and gave him the title of Malik.
Malik Ahmad Khan son of Malik Sultan Shah son of Malik Tajudin son of Malik Qasim of the Ranazai branch of Yousafzai was from a long line of leaders of the tribe. Due to the conflicting dates of various records there is a discrepancy between the age of Malik Ahmad at the time, by some accounts he was16 years old and by others he was 20 years old at the time.
Either way it seems that Malik Ahmad must have had leadership qualities to be chosen at such a young age as a leader of the entire tribe. The responsibility and survival of an entire tribe was placed into the hands of a boy.
A decision was made for the whole tribe to migrate back to Peshawar, contacting the other tribes including Mohammadzais, Gaduns, and Utman Khel, a plan was made to search and find suitable settlement for all those who wished to leave. To plan the logistics of a mass exodus a plan of several stages was formulated, according to which Malik Ahmad Khan himself proceeded to Peshawar to meet the elders of the Dalazak tribe.
The Dalazak were a Pukhtun tribe that had settled a vast area that included the Bajaur, Nangrahar, Doaba, Kalpani and most of the Peshawar valley up to the banks of the Indus river.
Malik Ahmad Khan met the Dalazak and asked for an area to settle his clans. The Dalazak generously handed over a fertile tract of land called Doaba. This place was situated at the junction of the Kabul and Swat River, (present day Shabqadar, Michni, Battagram and Adizai) Accepting their offer Malik Ahmad pointed out that he would need more space since the people who wanted to migrate were a considerably large number. Per this request land as far as Bajaur was granted, with hint that should that not suffice then the Dehgans could be driven out of Ashnagar.
The first wave of settlers were established in Doaba, and subsequent arrivees under the command of Mir Jamal Amanzai were ordered further up to the valleys of Danishkol and Ambur. Others moved into Bajaur, acquiring the southern valley up to Lashora, (present day Khar), extending all the way to Jandol.
As the Yousafzai advanced North towards Jandol, they were stopped by the men of Malik Haibu a Dalazak leader of that area. Not being present at the meetingof the Dilazak, he claimed he had no allegiance to the decisions made there and was thus not bound by any promises. The advancing Yousafzai stopped and made camp at Lashora while word was sent to Malik Ahmad in Doaba apprising him of the situation.
Not in favour of a head on confrontation, Malik Ahmad tried a diplomatic approach. He succeeded in getting a pledge of allegiance from the Dalazak of Peshawar in writing, which was promptly rejected by Malik Haibu. This caused a rift between the Dalazak of Peshawar and those of Jandole.
Malik Ahmad started to organize his men and made strategic alliances with the Khalils, Tarklanris and Mohmands. A last minute delegation headed by Malik Surkhab (Tarklanri) and Malik Gukar (Mohmand) approached Haibu. Finding Haibu unreasonable, the Tarklanris of Lughman and the Mohmand of Kabul also joined the alliance.
A battle took place near the stream of Lashora, in which Haibu and his brother Jahan Shah were killed. The Yousafzai then advanced into Bajaur without any hindrance. The Khalils were compensated by getting a generous share in Bajaur. This victory increased the standing of the Yousafzai amongst the other tribes.
Leaving Mir Jamal Amanzai in charge at Jandol, Malik Ahmad went back to Doaba. Sadly the relation between Yousafzai and Khalils got strained and both resorted to plundering each other’s property. Encroachment of each others pastures led to a battle on the border of Lashora and Babqara along the Barikab stream at Warsak in Bajaur. Mir Jamal was defeated and this victory made the Khalils more aggressive.
Bajaur was a strategically important territory and Malik Ahmad could not allow for it to be destabilized. Malik Ahmad Khan began to ready the Yousafzai men for fighting. By succeeding in negotiations, he also gained cooperation of Haibu’s sons and thus his tribe. Finally a confrontation took place at Sangar Darra near Nawagai. With heavy casualties on both sides, the Khalil were defeated.
Sultan Owais a Jehangiri, ruled the Kingdom of Swat. Ashnagar was part of his Kingdom too, but its startejic position made it it an attractive target for the Yousafzai. The Shalmanies who lived there had originally been from Kirman Tira and were ethnically different from Swat Dehgans.
Through a decisive battle fought at Jaindi River, both the Shalmanies and Dehgans were pushed out from the plains of Behlol, Sher Khanai, Katlang, Main Khan and Sangao and pursed to Bazdara and the foot of Morah hills.
This expansion strengthened the Yousafzai and gave a little stability to their unstable and unpredictable lives, where rival powerful forces were a threat to their very existence. The ambitious expansions had made many of their neighbours envious and fearful.
The Dalazaks, of Peshawar, Mardan, Nowshera and Swabi were Pukhtuns who had settled in the area for many centuries, and were confident of their strength and numbers. Sultan Owais was very powerful in his own right, and Malik Ahmad was now tightening his grip on territories, that extended from Bajaur, Ashnaghar and Doaba right up to Morah pass and the foothill, of Malakand.
The undefined common borders with one each other, frequently resulted in accusations of encroachment, interference and even plundering of cattle. Petty clashes, created hostilities between the Dalazak and the Yousafzai, which ultimately led to a deadly battle , fought , at Spinkhak near Michni and Warsak. After heavy loss of life on both sides, the outcome of the battle remained undecided.
The Dalazak prepared for a decisive battle with the Yousafzai . In response, the Yousafzai also regrouped and it was evident that massive loss of life would once again take place. Malik Ahmad decided that enough blood had been shed and therefore personally went to the house of Malik Mohammad Khan the Dalazak leader, and by virtue of Pukhtunwali laws, all differences were peacefully settled.
Peace with the Dalazak let Malik Ahmad Khan turn his attention towards Swat. Consulting Shaikh Milli, Malik Qara, (father of Kaju Khan), Mahmood Bin Yahya Akozai and some other prominent elders, they got an unexpected opportunity to better plan.
Malik Ahmad's sister was married to Sultan Owais and when she died Malik Ahmad and twenty of his men set out for Manglore to pay their condolences. Sultan Owais came from Manglore to Thanara (Thana) to receive them. Staying for a week at Bukhta a town near Thana , gave Malik Ahmad Khan a chance to familiarize himself with strategic geographical, political and military positions.
Malik Ahmad returned to set camp at the foot of Morah hills. They stayed there for more than two months, during which they were regularly receiving updated intelligence reports about the position and strength of their rivals.
A decision was made to attack Thana from the Malakand side. It was decided that a few people remain at the Morah camp, so that the nightly lit fires would deceive the enemy into thinking that they had not yet broken camp. A large contingent of the Yousafzai marched under cover of darkness from the Malakand side. A massive surprise attack was launched on the Swati’s, many of them were slaughtered and others fled to Thana.
The Yousafzai advanced to a village called Dag Khar and from there they marched on to Thana. The Swaties lost the battle and fled with the Yousafzai in pursuit. Malik Ahmad Khan moved systematically, occupying and consolidating, by ejecting the local population and colonizing the Yousafzai in their stead.
Having secured Swat, Malik Ahmad Khan turned his attention to the surrounding areas. The villages, of Talash valley were conquered after which the Mutravi the lands to the south of the Swat River were attacked.
A village called Balogram was home to their chief Malik Hassan. The inhabitants considered themselves Yousafzai having come from Kandhar much earlier. This did not spare them and they too were killed and the land occupied.
All this hostile take over’s had brought Malik Ahmad to Babur’s attention, who was getting regular updates. Babur sent a formal invitation to Malik Ahmad to come and present himself at court.
The Dalazak who were uncomfortable with the aggressive expansion had strengthened their favour with Babur. They were strongly against Malik Ahmad coming to court and winning over Babur .
Malik Ahmad spent a couple of days in Kabul appraising the situation and familiarizing himself with the working of Babur’s court, before alerting them to his arrival. The constant negative reports of the Dilazak made Babur give him a cold welcome.
Malik Ahmad proceeded to unbutton his outer garment, an intrigued Babur inquired into the reason. Malik Ahmad replied that it was his understanding that Babur intended to put him to death with his bow and arrow, and now with so many eyes upon them he wanted to make sure that Babur did not miss his target. Babur was amused with the reply and asked Malik Ahmad:
“You knew Behlol Lodhi, what sort of man is Behlol Lodhi?"
"He was but a giver of horses," said Ahmad.
"And of what sort of man is his son Sikandar?"
"A giver of robes"
"And what sort of man is Babur?"
"You sire, are a giver of heads."
Babur laughed and said, "I give you yours."
Leaving Kabul under good terms with Babur, Malik Ahmad returned home, but the next year (1518) Babur invited him back to Kabul. Malik Ahmad sent his cousin Shah Mansur son of Suleiman Shah in his stead. Babur on meeting Shah Mansur mainly inquired about Malik Ahmad Khan and his activities. Babur did not happy with the excuse of Malik Ahmad’s absence and expressed his displeasure.
Babur followed Shah Mansur back to Bajaur and set camp at Diyaron. Babur on marrying Bibi Mubaraka promised to leave the Yousafzai alone and shortly left.
The Yousafzai settled deeper and deeper into Swat and other Pukhtun tribes namely the Gigiani moved into the Doaba area. Once again quarrels broke out, this time between the Gigiani and the Dalazak.
The Gigiani turned to Kabul for help to fight the Dalazak. Malik Ahmad was not happy about outside interference in what he though to be strictly Pukhtun matters. Babur who had needed an excuse came riding back in 1519 and set camp near a village of the Umerkhel of the Dalazak. A fierce battle on the banks of Kalpanri stream took place, where the Umerkhel bravely fought against an army that outnumbered them by the thousands. The defeated Dalazak fled to the “Karamar” hills. Staying at Langar Kot (present day Gari Kapura), Babur spent the night. marching to Doaba through Ashnaghar the next day. There he attended a feast arranged in his honour by Malik Humza the chief of Gigiani. Awarding royal robes and honours, Babur then marched back to Kabul.
Malik Ahmad had managed to stay neutral throughout all this, but found the developments very interesting. The Gigiani sought the support of the Mohammadzais, their neighbour in Nangrahar. Together they attacked the Dalazak in a battle at Gulbela, which resulted in massive loss of lives, and property on both sides. This time the Dalazak were victorious.
Fearing retribution, the Gigiani turned to Malik Ahmad Khan for help. Keeping an eye on the strength and activities of Dalazak, he called a meeting of the elders of the Yousafzai of Swat, Sama, Ashnaghar and Bajaur. He also met the Utmankhel, Gaddun and Shalmani. Sending Shaikh Milli to the Gigiani of Doaba and Kabul, Mohammdzai of Nangrahar, and Tarklani of Lughman, Malik Ahmad Khan succeeded in forming a confederacy.
Under the command of Malik Ahmad Khan a large army encamped on the bank of the Guddar stream near Katlang. Anoher contingent of armed men camped at Bigyara shortly following them to Guddar. The Dalazak camped out at Langar Kot (present Garhi Kupura) and Shehbaz Ghara, their men were from Peshawar, Hazara, Tarbela, Pehure, Sherdara, Punjtar.
The Dalazak advanced to Guddar and surprised Malik Ahmads men by attacking earlier than anticipated. The Guddar stream was overflowing with the dead, ultimately Malik Ahmads men were victorious. The defeated Dalazak were pursued as far as 30 miles till Jalbai and Jalsai From there the Dalazak dispersed to Munara Now Zarobai( http://www.zarobi.8k.com/) finally crossing the Indus into Hazara.
Malik Ahmad Khan issued orders that all prisoners be immediately released and treated honourably.
Shaikh Malli came up with a system to distribute the land equally among the victors which is still in use today. Malik Ahmad died in 1535.
Where do Pukhtun women stand in Paltalk?
Where do Pukhtun women stand in Paltalk?
Posted in by Lyla /http://www.pukhtunwomen.org/
In early 2006 a friend from Khyberwatch introduced me to the world of Paltalk. This was a totally new experience for me and thus an eye opener. (For those of you who like I did not know) Paltalk is a Web-based text, chat service for voice and video chatting.
After registering myself I clicked “da nationalisto pukhtano hujra”, where my eyes were assaulted by the multitude of running texts of different colors, fonts, and sizes. It was kind of weird to hear so many male voices in my library.
Imagine a woman attending a hujra back home in reality. It felt strange and kind of exhilarating to be able to see what goes on in a traditional male mentality and society. I have technology to thank for giving me an opportunity of participating in a male hujra of paltalk.
In order to learn more about Pukhtun rooms of paltalk, I braved a lot of crap, useless discussions and humiliation. It did shake me at first but decided that if that was the price I had to pay the piper then so be it. Due to my feminist nature, I cannot help notice the biased use of technology and now I have decided to share my experience with my sisters.
The first couple of days I just listened and then gathered the courage to speak on the microphone. I asked the room, “Why don’t women speak on the microphone?” One brother replied, “Honor is linked with women, and it is not good to speak on the microphone. In the past women’s voices have been recorded and played in other rooms, thus discouraging them from further participation.”
Amazingly many people approached me through private messaging after I spoke on the microphone. Some appreciated my confidence, some warned me of the un-seen repercussions, and some were only interested in finding my background.
Due to my analytical nature, I was curious as to why women are absent from this technological discovery. It is hard to see women absent from a technological development that would let them talk to each other. These are the answers and reasons I could come up:
Often assumed absent from technological history, women are stuck in their homes giving birth, raising children and making food. Un-equal access is also sometimes the result of beliefs about the “natural” abilities of the sexes. Thus certain technologies are perceived as psychologically in appropriate for members of a particular sex.
Recently I decided to get feedback from paltalk Pukhtun men as to what they think of women chatting in Pukhtun rooms. One brother said, “Many women don’t come as they fear someone will record their voices and will use them for whatever reason. We as Pukhtuns are not mature enough to accept women in media and especially in paltalk. Many pukhtuns think that they are coming purely for chatting purposes looking for intimate relationships and try to be their potential lover. In men’s opinion women over there are not proper Pukhtun women. Many men from Pukhtunkhwa use paltalk to find women living in Europe for marriage. (Malak junior)
One other brother added, “I think we really need our women to talk on such fora and rooms. The primary reason is to fill the communication gap that has been created because of the mix of illiteracy with traditions. This is not going to be easy. Women will be and, in fact, are being discouraged to participate on fora like these. Even if they are present they are expected to keep silent and listen to what men say. The reasons why our men discourage women to talk on such fora (though they would very much like to talk one to one in private to them) are basically two: firstly, our men are not used to listening to women; and, secondly, the overall perception about woman with a very passive role has generated a socio complex where talking on the part of woman is considered as a challege to the status quo and thus the ensuing jealousy on the part of our men when they see a woman talking. (Dawezay Mohmand).
In this age when we have left our footsteps on the moon, women still have to take every step in accordance to what “others” think about them. One is forced to ask that why is it that in our culture a man chatting online is considered “normal”, but there is a risk involved if a woman does the same thing? Why should a woman get scared if someone records her voice? And what joy/pleasure do men get by recording women’s voice and playing it back in other chat rooms?
Women should be given a chance to educate themselves about the right use of computers by plunging in first and trying to understand later. Take video games, for example, it is almost impossible to learn to play a video game if you try to understand first and play second. They need to be given the opportunity to become confident and mature. We can not blame the internet for what we do. Cyber space is a good medium to rotate ideas about different issues we face everyday.
As one brother said, “Knowledge is power and it is a two way process which can be exchanged and communicated by different means. The best way to communicate your thoughts and ideas is by directly speaking to the audience. I have observed in paltalk that even if I am exchanging my thoughts with someone in the text I am listening to the speaker as it has more power to attract the attention of audience than any other medium. That’s why if women really want to make difference positively they must speak. By silencing your voice, you are depriving yourself of your right. Sharing your point of view will bring variant solutions to a problem. (afridi-59)
I thank those brothers who warned me of the environment that prevails in paltalk, particularly for women. Lately some Pukhtoon brothers have taken an initiative to begin very fair, and decent rooms for Pushtoons. They can express themselves freely regardless of their gender. After visiting all Pushtoon rooms I realized that "Nationalists" rooms in paltalk are more generous and wel-coming to new comers. They have some meaningful subject to talk about.
I also want to make myself clear at the end of my article. I did not write this article to compare Pushtoon rooms of paltalk, or criticize their topics of speech. I just wanted to highlight the reaction of different genders towards machines (technology). Women even inside the boundary of their homes (purdah) are not confident enough to get their voices heard on different issues. They have been marginalized by labeling them as "idle" or "bad" women. What makes our men "categorize" women into different levels?
Posted in by Lyla /http://www.pukhtunwomen.org/
In early 2006 a friend from Khyberwatch introduced me to the world of Paltalk. This was a totally new experience for me and thus an eye opener. (For those of you who like I did not know) Paltalk is a Web-based text, chat service for voice and video chatting.
After registering myself I clicked “da nationalisto pukhtano hujra”, where my eyes were assaulted by the multitude of running texts of different colors, fonts, and sizes. It was kind of weird to hear so many male voices in my library.
Imagine a woman attending a hujra back home in reality. It felt strange and kind of exhilarating to be able to see what goes on in a traditional male mentality and society. I have technology to thank for giving me an opportunity of participating in a male hujra of paltalk.
In order to learn more about Pukhtun rooms of paltalk, I braved a lot of crap, useless discussions and humiliation. It did shake me at first but decided that if that was the price I had to pay the piper then so be it. Due to my feminist nature, I cannot help notice the biased use of technology and now I have decided to share my experience with my sisters.
The first couple of days I just listened and then gathered the courage to speak on the microphone. I asked the room, “Why don’t women speak on the microphone?” One brother replied, “Honor is linked with women, and it is not good to speak on the microphone. In the past women’s voices have been recorded and played in other rooms, thus discouraging them from further participation.”
Amazingly many people approached me through private messaging after I spoke on the microphone. Some appreciated my confidence, some warned me of the un-seen repercussions, and some were only interested in finding my background.
Due to my analytical nature, I was curious as to why women are absent from this technological discovery. It is hard to see women absent from a technological development that would let them talk to each other. These are the answers and reasons I could come up:
Often assumed absent from technological history, women are stuck in their homes giving birth, raising children and making food. Un-equal access is also sometimes the result of beliefs about the “natural” abilities of the sexes. Thus certain technologies are perceived as psychologically in appropriate for members of a particular sex.
Recently I decided to get feedback from paltalk Pukhtun men as to what they think of women chatting in Pukhtun rooms. One brother said, “Many women don’t come as they fear someone will record their voices and will use them for whatever reason. We as Pukhtuns are not mature enough to accept women in media and especially in paltalk. Many pukhtuns think that they are coming purely for chatting purposes looking for intimate relationships and try to be their potential lover. In men’s opinion women over there are not proper Pukhtun women. Many men from Pukhtunkhwa use paltalk to find women living in Europe for marriage. (Malak junior)
One other brother added, “I think we really need our women to talk on such fora and rooms. The primary reason is to fill the communication gap that has been created because of the mix of illiteracy with traditions. This is not going to be easy. Women will be and, in fact, are being discouraged to participate on fora like these. Even if they are present they are expected to keep silent and listen to what men say. The reasons why our men discourage women to talk on such fora (though they would very much like to talk one to one in private to them) are basically two: firstly, our men are not used to listening to women; and, secondly, the overall perception about woman with a very passive role has generated a socio complex where talking on the part of woman is considered as a challege to the status quo and thus the ensuing jealousy on the part of our men when they see a woman talking. (Dawezay Mohmand).
In this age when we have left our footsteps on the moon, women still have to take every step in accordance to what “others” think about them. One is forced to ask that why is it that in our culture a man chatting online is considered “normal”, but there is a risk involved if a woman does the same thing? Why should a woman get scared if someone records her voice? And what joy/pleasure do men get by recording women’s voice and playing it back in other chat rooms?
Women should be given a chance to educate themselves about the right use of computers by plunging in first and trying to understand later. Take video games, for example, it is almost impossible to learn to play a video game if you try to understand first and play second. They need to be given the opportunity to become confident and mature. We can not blame the internet for what we do. Cyber space is a good medium to rotate ideas about different issues we face everyday.
As one brother said, “Knowledge is power and it is a two way process which can be exchanged and communicated by different means. The best way to communicate your thoughts and ideas is by directly speaking to the audience. I have observed in paltalk that even if I am exchanging my thoughts with someone in the text I am listening to the speaker as it has more power to attract the attention of audience than any other medium. That’s why if women really want to make difference positively they must speak. By silencing your voice, you are depriving yourself of your right. Sharing your point of view will bring variant solutions to a problem. (afridi-59)
I thank those brothers who warned me of the environment that prevails in paltalk, particularly for women. Lately some Pukhtoon brothers have taken an initiative to begin very fair, and decent rooms for Pushtoons. They can express themselves freely regardless of their gender. After visiting all Pushtoon rooms I realized that "Nationalists" rooms in paltalk are more generous and wel-coming to new comers. They have some meaningful subject to talk about.
I also want to make myself clear at the end of my article. I did not write this article to compare Pushtoon rooms of paltalk, or criticize their topics of speech. I just wanted to highlight the reaction of different genders towards machines (technology). Women even inside the boundary of their homes (purdah) are not confident enough to get their voices heard on different issues. They have been marginalized by labeling them as "idle" or "bad" women. What makes our men "categorize" women into different levels?
Thursday, January 18, 2007
Khan's Triumph of Will
Khan's Triumph of Will
If history's responsibility is to capture the life and achievements of great leaders and store the wisdom of the eras in its annals, it has failed in celebrating the story of an Islamic peacemaker called Abdul Ghaffar Khan (1890-1988). He's undoubtedly the most overlooked Muslim nonviolence leader that the world must know; Khan's historic accomplishments exemplify the peaceful and nonviolent teachings of Prophet Mohammed. Very few know of Khan in his native region of today's Pakistan or Afghanistan; He's relatively better known in India as "Frontier Gandhi" because of his close association with Gandhi in India's nonviolent struggle for independence. Fitting as that is, our best tribute to Khan is to understand his merit and message in the unique context of the Pushtun's cause.Khan voluntarily took on the task of transforming the violent Pushtuns into a nonviolent peace brigade. With love, he influenced them to change their vengeful and hostile tendencies and get rid of their inner negative qualities. At the same time, he led the Pushtuns in a nonviolent and peaceful struggle in opposing the barbaric rule of the British empire. On hearing about this genius display of nonviolence of the brave, Gandhi remarked,"That such men who would have killed a human being with no more thought than they would kill a sheep or hen should at the bidding of one man have laid down their arms and accepted nonviolence as the superior weapon sounds almost like a fairy tale."Like Mother Theresa who served the poor and the destitute, Khan sacrificed his life for the betterment of these Pushtuns written off as incapable and unworthy of change. First of the kind in recorded history, the nonviolent "Khudai Khidmatgars" (Servants of God) stood tall with dignity taking the blows and not returning them, much to everyone's awe. The unfortunate events of the last 30 years (Soviet occupation of the 1970s and 80s, the Al Queda terrorist camps in Afghanistan, the Taliban rule, and the 2001 war on terror) and politics have obscured Khan's legacy of nonviolence. Amnesty International drew attention by recognizing Khan as the "Prisoner of the Year" in 1962; Khan was given the "Jewel of India" award for his commitment to nonviolence. Khan's life and works are based on the universal values of love, faith, and service to humanity and his legacy is beyond regional and Islamic boundaries. The world needs to recognize Khan's contributions to nonviolence and acknowledge his place with the other legends like Mahatma Gandhi of Hinduism and Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., of Christianity. Eknath Easwaran, in his book on Khan entitled "Nonviolent Soldier of Islam" summarizes Khan's contributions as follows:"It is only a matter of time before his (Khan's) special light will begin to shine in many corners of the earth. For his contribution to the legacy of nonviolence has special significance today, when so many countries of the Islamic world are torn by violence. Just as Gandhi reminded Indians of their long-forgotten legacy of truth and nonviolence, it has been given to Badshah Khan to perform the same great service for Islam. His life is a perfect mirror of the profound values of love, faith, and selfless service embedded in Islam since its inception. His nonviolent "army of God" stands as a beacon to all Muslims who seek an alternative to the self-destructive violence of our times."
History of the Northwest Frontier ProvinceThe history and geography of the Northwest Frontier Province have not been kind to Khan’s cause. Guarding the northwest entry into colonial India (which spanned from today’s Pakistan on the west to Myanmar on the east) was the historic Khyber Pass , only 8-feet wide at the narrowest point and 33-miles long winding through the rugged, snow-clad mountains of the Hindu Kush . Khyber Pass is no ordinary gateway. It is a dangerous and strategic route to India which has witnessed several invasions including Alexander from Greece in 326 B.C.E, Persians, Genghis Khan, Mongols, Mughals , Turks, Scythians, White Huns, among many others. For hundreds of years, the Khyber Pass has also been a trade route bringing luxurious silks, Chinese porcelain, and spices to Middle-east and Europe .Gaurding the famous Khyber Pass was the job of about 2 millions Pushtuns who lived on the mountains. The history of the Pushtuns or “ Pathans ” in this province was violent with frequent guerilla warfare between the Pushtuns and the British forces. The British ruled the Pushtuns with hatred and wrath because the British wanted control of the Khyber Pass since India ’s security was at stake. The Pushtuns , proud warriors that they were, opposed the British at the slightest provocation and were determined to live in freedom without British humiliation. It was a cycle of violence breeding more violence, unrelenting with no end in sight. The British rule in the Province was hardly on a par with the rest of the Indian Provinces. After about 80-odd years of conflict, the British hardened their attitude toward the Pushtuns and adopted a standard code of torturous treatment described by Easwaran :“The British sent scores of expeditions into the Pathans ’ hills, shelled their strongholds, burned (and later bombed) their villages, beat, flogged, and jailed Pathans by the thousands. There were also a series of restrictive laws for the Pushtuns , lists Easwaran,“A man could be “transported” - sent to a foreign penal colony – for life without counsel or trial. Justice was at the hands of the political agent or pro-British landlords called in to hear cases. The most elementary rights extended to Her Majesty’s subjects throughout the Empire were denied the Pathans . All this only confirmed what the Pathans had long suspected: the imperial powers in Delhi and London regarded them as savages.”
BRIEF BIOGRAPHY
Badshah Khan was born in 1890 in Utmanzai, near Peshawar, a prosperous village in colonial India's Northwest Frontier Province. He was a peace loving Pushtun leader who dedicated his life to reforming the people of his Pushtun community who were branded violent and savage during the final years to the British rule in the Indian subcontinent. Khan was educated in Edwardes Missionary School run by Reverand Wigram. Although a devout Muslim his entire life, his life was in sharp contrast to his contemporaries. Education as a means of social advancement remained a dominant theme throughout his life. As a young man, Khan started a school for Pashtun children. Later, he came under the influence of Haji Abdul Wahid Sahib, a social reformer. He also established contacts with other progressive Muslim leaders who urged him to work for the education and upliftment of the Pushtuns.Khan's goal was a united, independent and secular India. To achieve that end, he founded the Khudai Khidmatgars (Servants of God) in 1929. The Khudai Khidmatgars was based on the belief in the power of complete nonviolence. Also known as the "Red Shirts", the organization recruited over 100,000 members and became legendary in opposing at the hands of the British police and army. He worked tirelessly for the rights of his people without ever raising arms because he honestly believed that the upliftment of his people was essential preparation for independence. Khan's calls for social change, fair land distribution, and religious harmony threatened some religious leaders and big landlords. But he didn't let that come in the way of traveling 25 miles in a day, walking village to village, and speaking about social reform and having his Khudai Khidmagars members stage dramas depicting the value of nonviolence. Through strikes, political organization and nonviolent opposition, the Khudai Khidmatgars was able to achieve some success and came to dominate the politics of the Province (now a part of Pakistan) from 1930 until 1947. Khan was a champion of woman's rights and nonviolence and became a hero in a society dominated by violence and machismo. For almost 80 years, Khan never lost faith in his nonviolent methods; in fact he derived the strength and commitment toward nonviolence from Islam. He viewed his struggle as a Jihad but the enemy was holding the swords. Khan escaped two assassination attempts, survived three decades in prison, and died at the age of 98 and was buried in Afghanistan. Although he had been repeatedly imprisoned and persecuted, tens of thousands of mourners attended his funeral. A cease-fire was announced in the Afghan war to allow the funeral to take place. He was buried in AfghanistanTill the end, Badshah Khan firmly believed that, "Nonviolence is love and it stirs courage in people...No peace or tranquility can descend upon the people of the world until nonviolence is practiced."
If history's responsibility is to capture the life and achievements of great leaders and store the wisdom of the eras in its annals, it has failed in celebrating the story of an Islamic peacemaker called Abdul Ghaffar Khan (1890-1988). He's undoubtedly the most overlooked Muslim nonviolence leader that the world must know; Khan's historic accomplishments exemplify the peaceful and nonviolent teachings of Prophet Mohammed. Very few know of Khan in his native region of today's Pakistan or Afghanistan; He's relatively better known in India as "Frontier Gandhi" because of his close association with Gandhi in India's nonviolent struggle for independence. Fitting as that is, our best tribute to Khan is to understand his merit and message in the unique context of the Pushtun's cause.Khan voluntarily took on the task of transforming the violent Pushtuns into a nonviolent peace brigade. With love, he influenced them to change their vengeful and hostile tendencies and get rid of their inner negative qualities. At the same time, he led the Pushtuns in a nonviolent and peaceful struggle in opposing the barbaric rule of the British empire. On hearing about this genius display of nonviolence of the brave, Gandhi remarked,"That such men who would have killed a human being with no more thought than they would kill a sheep or hen should at the bidding of one man have laid down their arms and accepted nonviolence as the superior weapon sounds almost like a fairy tale."Like Mother Theresa who served the poor and the destitute, Khan sacrificed his life for the betterment of these Pushtuns written off as incapable and unworthy of change. First of the kind in recorded history, the nonviolent "Khudai Khidmatgars" (Servants of God) stood tall with dignity taking the blows and not returning them, much to everyone's awe. The unfortunate events of the last 30 years (Soviet occupation of the 1970s and 80s, the Al Queda terrorist camps in Afghanistan, the Taliban rule, and the 2001 war on terror) and politics have obscured Khan's legacy of nonviolence. Amnesty International drew attention by recognizing Khan as the "Prisoner of the Year" in 1962; Khan was given the "Jewel of India" award for his commitment to nonviolence. Khan's life and works are based on the universal values of love, faith, and service to humanity and his legacy is beyond regional and Islamic boundaries. The world needs to recognize Khan's contributions to nonviolence and acknowledge his place with the other legends like Mahatma Gandhi of Hinduism and Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., of Christianity. Eknath Easwaran, in his book on Khan entitled "Nonviolent Soldier of Islam" summarizes Khan's contributions as follows:"It is only a matter of time before his (Khan's) special light will begin to shine in many corners of the earth. For his contribution to the legacy of nonviolence has special significance today, when so many countries of the Islamic world are torn by violence. Just as Gandhi reminded Indians of their long-forgotten legacy of truth and nonviolence, it has been given to Badshah Khan to perform the same great service for Islam. His life is a perfect mirror of the profound values of love, faith, and selfless service embedded in Islam since its inception. His nonviolent "army of God" stands as a beacon to all Muslims who seek an alternative to the self-destructive violence of our times."
History of the Northwest Frontier ProvinceThe history and geography of the Northwest Frontier Province have not been kind to Khan’s cause. Guarding the northwest entry into colonial India (which spanned from today’s Pakistan on the west to Myanmar on the east) was the historic Khyber Pass , only 8-feet wide at the narrowest point and 33-miles long winding through the rugged, snow-clad mountains of the Hindu Kush . Khyber Pass is no ordinary gateway. It is a dangerous and strategic route to India which has witnessed several invasions including Alexander from Greece in 326 B.C.E, Persians, Genghis Khan, Mongols, Mughals , Turks, Scythians, White Huns, among many others. For hundreds of years, the Khyber Pass has also been a trade route bringing luxurious silks, Chinese porcelain, and spices to Middle-east and Europe .Gaurding the famous Khyber Pass was the job of about 2 millions Pushtuns who lived on the mountains. The history of the Pushtuns or “ Pathans ” in this province was violent with frequent guerilla warfare between the Pushtuns and the British forces. The British ruled the Pushtuns with hatred and wrath because the British wanted control of the Khyber Pass since India ’s security was at stake. The Pushtuns , proud warriors that they were, opposed the British at the slightest provocation and were determined to live in freedom without British humiliation. It was a cycle of violence breeding more violence, unrelenting with no end in sight. The British rule in the Province was hardly on a par with the rest of the Indian Provinces. After about 80-odd years of conflict, the British hardened their attitude toward the Pushtuns and adopted a standard code of torturous treatment described by Easwaran :“The British sent scores of expeditions into the Pathans ’ hills, shelled their strongholds, burned (and later bombed) their villages, beat, flogged, and jailed Pathans by the thousands. There were also a series of restrictive laws for the Pushtuns , lists Easwaran,“A man could be “transported” - sent to a foreign penal colony – for life without counsel or trial. Justice was at the hands of the political agent or pro-British landlords called in to hear cases. The most elementary rights extended to Her Majesty’s subjects throughout the Empire were denied the Pathans . All this only confirmed what the Pathans had long suspected: the imperial powers in Delhi and London regarded them as savages.”
BRIEF BIOGRAPHY
Badshah Khan was born in 1890 in Utmanzai, near Peshawar, a prosperous village in colonial India's Northwest Frontier Province. He was a peace loving Pushtun leader who dedicated his life to reforming the people of his Pushtun community who were branded violent and savage during the final years to the British rule in the Indian subcontinent. Khan was educated in Edwardes Missionary School run by Reverand Wigram. Although a devout Muslim his entire life, his life was in sharp contrast to his contemporaries. Education as a means of social advancement remained a dominant theme throughout his life. As a young man, Khan started a school for Pashtun children. Later, he came under the influence of Haji Abdul Wahid Sahib, a social reformer. He also established contacts with other progressive Muslim leaders who urged him to work for the education and upliftment of the Pushtuns.Khan's goal was a united, independent and secular India. To achieve that end, he founded the Khudai Khidmatgars (Servants of God) in 1929. The Khudai Khidmatgars was based on the belief in the power of complete nonviolence. Also known as the "Red Shirts", the organization recruited over 100,000 members and became legendary in opposing at the hands of the British police and army. He worked tirelessly for the rights of his people without ever raising arms because he honestly believed that the upliftment of his people was essential preparation for independence. Khan's calls for social change, fair land distribution, and religious harmony threatened some religious leaders and big landlords. But he didn't let that come in the way of traveling 25 miles in a day, walking village to village, and speaking about social reform and having his Khudai Khidmagars members stage dramas depicting the value of nonviolence. Through strikes, political organization and nonviolent opposition, the Khudai Khidmatgars was able to achieve some success and came to dominate the politics of the Province (now a part of Pakistan) from 1930 until 1947. Khan was a champion of woman's rights and nonviolence and became a hero in a society dominated by violence and machismo. For almost 80 years, Khan never lost faith in his nonviolent methods; in fact he derived the strength and commitment toward nonviolence from Islam. He viewed his struggle as a Jihad but the enemy was holding the swords. Khan escaped two assassination attempts, survived three decades in prison, and died at the age of 98 and was buried in Afghanistan. Although he had been repeatedly imprisoned and persecuted, tens of thousands of mourners attended his funeral. A cease-fire was announced in the Afghan war to allow the funeral to take place. He was buried in AfghanistanTill the end, Badshah Khan firmly believed that, "Nonviolence is love and it stirs courage in people...No peace or tranquility can descend upon the people of the world until nonviolence is practiced."
DEEP FAITH"
Real Islam is a deep and unquestioning trust in God, the realization of the truth that "There is no deity save God" and of the threefold aspect of religious life; that of islam, complete surrender to God; iman, unquestioning faith in Him and His wisdom; and ihsan, to do the right thing and to act beautifully, because one knows that God is always watching man's actions and thoughts." Annemarie Schimmel, Professor of Indo-Muslim Culture, Harvard UniversityBadshah Khan was a devout Muslim whose surrender to God was rewarded by a divine wisdom to act rightfully. Khan derived deep inspiration from the Koran and based his life on Prophet Mohammed's universal principles of love (muhabat), service to humanity (amal), and faith (yakeen). His lifelong reform work, the constructive programs, and the nonviolence of the Khudai Khidmatgars can be best understood in light of the underlying Islamic and universal ethics. Khan's nonviolence was spiritual, based on Islam's "Sabr" (tenaciously holding on to a righteous cause without revenge or retaliation) just as Gandhi's nonviolence was based on Hindu principles of Ahimsa and Advaita. Khan's life is also an example of faith-based transformation of two kinds - his own "qutb" or divine analytic wisdom which awakened true faith in him and his reformation of 100,000 belligerent Pushtuns into nonviolent God's servants.Righteous ReformBadshah Khan's single-minded dedication to reform the Pushtuns is a direct result of his spiritual calling. Typically, the Khans of his time were wealthy landowners and socialites who wined and dined with the British rulers and were indifferent to the misery of the poor Pushtuns. But Badshah Khan was different; He felt an unexplainable desire to change the conditions of his Pushtun brothers. His two best friends were from the less-privileged sweeper community, a rare thing among the status-conscious Khans. Although Khan went to a Christian missionary school, he received religious education on the Koran and prayed five times a day as any devout Muslim. The initial influence to help and serve came in the form of Reverend Wigram, a kind and caring Principal of the missionary school. But a deeper desire to serve definitely came from the Koran. As a righteous king can clearly see through fairness and cruelty, this king among the Khans could see unrighteousness in the British treatment of his Pushtun brothers. Islam had taught Khan to fight against unlawful tyranny and oppression - only peacefully. Khan's personal experience with the British Army also changed the direction in his life. 17-Year old Khan, 6 feet 3 inches tall and weighing over 200 pounds, was easily selected to serve in the Guides (an elite corps of the infantry and cavalry division). He had dreamed of becoming a Guides officer since childhood. But when he saw his Pushtun friend, a commissioned Guides officer, being insulted by a British officer, Khan changed his mind. Khan angrily rejected his commission with the British Army. Khan's Guides episode acted as a catalyst for reform just as Mahatma Gandhi's humiliation when he was thrown out of the train in South Africa increased his fervor to fight the British.
SPIRITUAL TRANSFORMATION
Guided by the Prophet's teachings and the affirmations of Allah on his lips, Badshah Khan's reform goals took stronger and bigger shape. He realized that education was the only way to uplift the downtrodden Pushtuns. Barely 20 years old, Khan followed his intuition and opened a school for the Pushtun children. As his reform instincts kept growing, Khan increasingly wondered about the source of his desire to reform; Who was he - a twenty-year-old Mohammedzai farm boy, not even matriculated from high school - to uplift an ancient, noble people? Finding no answers from the outside, he sought answers from within. For several days and nights, Khan performed a "chilla", a fast, and prayed in a small mosque. Easwaran captures the essence of the transformed Khan at the end of the fast as follows:"It was early morning when Ghaffar Khan ended his fast...and walked out with a vague but powerful awareness that he was not the same man who had entered the mosque a few days before. He had not received the direct answers...but he felt a strength he had not known before. And he understood, dimly, that it was the strength of God. Islam! Submit! Surrender to the Lord and know His strength! Ghaffar felt swelling within him the desire to serve this great God. And since He needed no service, Ghaffar would serve His creatures instead - the tattered villagers who were too ignorant and too steeped in violence to help themselves."Easwaran compares Khan's transformation to St. Francis of Assisi's who had a similar spiritual experience 700 years ago. Just as St. Francis heard a clear voice commanding him to revitalize the Christian institutions, this Islamic prophet derived from within a singleness of purpose to tirelessly serve his community.Mahadev Desai, who wrote a biography Two Servants of God" on Badshah Khan and his brother Dr. Khan" described Khan's spiritual temperament:"The greatest thing in him is...his spirituality - better still, the true spirit of Islam - submission to God. He has measured Gandhiji's life all through with this yardstick...It is not Gandhi's name or fame that have attracted (Khan) to Gandhi, not his political work, nor his spirit of rebellion and revolution. It is (Gandhi's) pure and ascetic life and his insistence on self-purification that have had the greatest appeal for him, and (Khan's) whole life since 1919 onwards has been one sustained effort for self-purification."Badshah Khan, in his own words, describes his self-transformation:"As a young boy, I had had violent tendencies; the hot blood of the Pathans was in my veins. But in jail I had nothing to do except read the Koran. I read about the Prophet Mohammed in Mecca, about his patience, his suffering, his dedication. I had read it all before, as a child, but now I read it in the light of what I was hearing all around me about Gandhi's struggle against the British...They changed my life forever."With the gift of "Iman" (a complete and unshakable faith of a pure heart directed toward Allah) and an awakened "Nur" (the plentitude of light of God) Khan was now ready to help the Pushtuns and rise up to the Koran's calling in Surah II: 129:Our Lord! And raise up in them an Apostle from among them who shall recite to them Thy communications and teach them the Book and the wisdom, and purify them; surely Thou are the Mighty, the wise.The Buddha's message on self-transformation was "One who conquers himself is greater than another who conquers 1,000 times 1,000 men." Khan's transformational legacy is a marvelous feat of a man of God who conquered himself and helped 100,000 men reform themselves.
SPIRIT OF SERVICE"
I have one great desire. I want to rescue these gentle, brave, patriotic people from the tyranny of the foreigners who have disgraced and dishonored them. I want to create for them a world of freedom, where they can live in peace, where they can laugh and be happy...I want to wash away the stain of blood from their garments. I want to show the world how beautiful they are, these people from the hills, and then I want to proclaim: "Show me, if you can, any gentler, more courteous, more cultured people than these." Badshah Khan Khan saw ignorance, superstition, and the crushing weight of custom as main reasons for the misery of the Pushtuns. "Beneath the violence and ignorance," says Easwaran, "Khan saw men and women capable of extraordinary self-effacement, endurance, and courage. He knew his task: to educate, to enlighten, to lift up, to inspire. With understanding, he saw, the violence and venality would fall from the Pathan character like dead limbs from a tree."Realizing what needs to be done, Khan threw himself into the cause of reforming and transforming the Pushtuns through educational, agricultural, and social programs: In 1910, Khan started a school, hoping education would remove many hurdles in the Pushtuns' lives. It was an instant success and in a short time, he opened more including a high school quickly enrolling a large number of students. In 1912, he took on the leadership of the reform movement of Haji Abdul Wahid Saheb, a liberal reformer whose progressive thinking had a major influence on Khan. In 1921, Khan initiated the Reform Association of Afghanistan, a non-political missionary organization that encouraged economic, social, and educational improvements in the region. He encouraged the Pushtuns to open up stores as alternatives to agriculture as there wasn't enough land. Khan also established cooperative enlightenment centers in 1927 as part of the Peasant Association to improve local agriculture. The same year, Khan founded the Pushtun Youth League, which mainly included the graduates of his schools who carried out reform work. Khan was concerned about the women's issues including freedom to participate fully in society. To help spread more of his ideas, Khan started a journal in Pushtun with articles on hygiene, social issues, and Islamic law. He showed extraordinary daring in opposing the "purdah" so that women could come out from behind the veil. In 1929, sensing that the Pushtuns were ready Khan finally exhorted them to transform themselves to enjoy progress and prosperity eventually. Khan's words cut through their pride, but the Pushtuns knew the message was hurled with love. After much discussion, they agreed to take an oath: I am a Khudai Khidmatgars; and as God needs no service, but serving his creation is serving him, I promise to serve humanity in the name of God. I promise to refrain from violence and from taking revenge on those who oppress me or treat me with cruelty. I promise to refrain from taking part in feuds and quarrels and from creating enmity.I promise to treat every Pathan as my brother and friend.I promise to refrain from antisocial customs and practices.I promise to lead a simple life, to practice virtue and to refrain from evil.I promise to practice good manners and good behavior and not to lead a life of idleness.I promise to devote at least two hours a day to social work .The British treated the nonviolent Pushtuns as a ruse. Amitabh Pal writes in "The Progressive: A Pacifist uncovered" "The British reacted with a singular ferocity to the Khidmagar desire for independence from British rule, subjecting Khidmatgars members throughout the 1930s and 1940s to mass killings, and destruction of their homes and fields. Khan himself spent 15 of these years in prison, often in solitary confinement. But these Pushtuns refused to give up their adherence to nonviolence even in the face of such severe repression."With their wise leader guiding their gradual evolution out of violence and vengeance, the Pushtuns stunned the world when they exhibited the bravery in one incident in April 1930. Gene Sharp who has written a study of nonviolent resistance writes:"When those in front fell down wounded by the shots, those behind came forward with their breasts bare and exposed themselves to the fire, so much so that some people got as many as 21 bullets in their bodies, and all the people stood their ground without getting into a panic...The Anglo-Indian paper of Lahore, which represents the official view, itself wrote to the effect that the people came forward one after another to face the firing and when they fell wounded they were dragged back and others came forward to be shot at." Ghani Khan notes that his father, Badshah Khan, "had discovered that love can create more in a second than bombs can destroy in a century; that the kindest strength is the greatest strength; that only way to be truly brave is to be in the right." Born aristocrat and raised in luxury, Khan renounced his comforts, land, wealth, and even meat to live as an example for his followers. He was a gentle giant that the villagers loved and honored by rising up to his call. A long life of selfless service, constant self-purification, and the bonds of love between Khan and his followers made him a "rasul", a prophet as described in Surah VII 157 of the Koran:"Those who follow the Apostle-Prophet...(who) enjoins them good and forbids them evil, and makes lawful to them the good things and makes unlawful to them impure things, and removes from them their burden and shackles which were upon them; so (as for) those who believe in him and honor him, and help him, and follow the light which has been sent down with him, these it is that are the successful."
NONVIOLENCE OF THE SERVANTS OF GOD
Badshah Khan conducted his struggle against the British with nonviolence that was based on purely righteous faith in Islam; and yet his Khudai Khidmatgars had a universal and nonsectarian outlook. In an inspiring speech, Badshah Khan gives the Khudai Khidmatgars the most successful weapon to wage a nonviolent war:"I am going to give you a weapon that the police and army will not be able to stand against it. It is the weapon of the Prophet, but you are not aware of it. The weapon is patience and righteousness. No power on earth can stand against it. When you go back to your villages, tell your brethren that there is an army of God and its weapon is patience. Ask your brethren to join the army of God. Endure all hardships. If you exercise patience, victory will be yours."The reference to "patience", says Easwaran, is to "sabr" in Islam which means "tenacity in a righteous cause, cheerful resignation in misfortune, forgiveness, self-control, renunciation and refraining from revenge." Sabr denotes nonviolence, not Khan's nonviolent resistance. Easwaran continues, "In the mystics, particularly al-Ghazzali, sabr becomes a cardinal virtue in the "holy war" (jihad) between good and evil that every human being is called upon to wage in his or her own heart. Khan's reference to the Prophet is to the early years of the Prophet's teaching in Mecca, when he and his followers had to endure torment ranging from ridicule to the harshest persecution. Their stance was consistently to "hold on to truth without retaliating or retreating, in perfect submission (islam) to God's truth and the consequences of their faith." The Prophet's nonviolence is highlighted by Karen Armstrong,in an interview with The Giuardian (June 2002):"Islam is not the intolerant or violent religion of the western fantasy. Mohammed was forced to fight against the city of Mecca...and after five years of warfare, Mohammed turned to more peaceful methods and finally conquered Mecca by an ingenious campaign of non-violence."Khan's nonviolent movement had "first of all, a religious basis," writes nonviolence scholar Joan Bondurant in her Conquest of Violence: The Gandhian Philosophy of Conflict. "It took as its objective both local socioeconomic reform and political independence...Its adoption of nonviolence was more thorough than that of the Indian National Congress inasmuch as the Khudai Khidmatgars pledged themselves to nonviolence not only as a policy, but as a creed, a way of life.Khan mentions a discussion with a fellow Muslim who him asked to show the nonviolent core of Islam. Khan said, "I cited chapter and verse from the Koran to show the great emphasis that Islam has laid on peace." Khan continued, "I also showed to him how the greatest figures in Islamic history were known more for their forbearance and self-restraint than for their fierceness." Khan interpreted Islam as a moral code with pacifism at its center. Easwaran summarizes Khan's Islam:"A devout Muslim he showed in his life a face of Islam which non-Islamic countries seldom see, proving that within the scope of Islam exists a noble alternative to violence. His nonviolent army, the Servants of God, " was entirely Muslim, and based upon the ancient Islamic principles of universal brotherhood, submission to God, and the service of God through the service of His creatures."Nasim Wali Khan, Khan's daughter-in-law shares, "Badshah Khan told people that Islam operates on a simple principle - never hurt anyone by tongue, by gun, or by hand. Not to lie, steal, and harm is true Islam."Khan's nonviolence sprung out of Islam, but the Khidmatgars movement was nonsectarian. Bondurant points out "although the character of the movement was intensely Islamic...one of the objectives of the organization was the promotion of Hindu-Muslim unity." When Hindus and Sikhs were attacked in Peshawar, "10,000 Khidmatgars members helped protect their lives and property," notes Pal. Mahatma Gandhi wrote in the Foreword of the book on Khan brothers,"(Badshah Khan) was consumed with deep religious fervor. His was not a narrow creed. I found him to be a universalist. His politics, if he had any, were derived from his religion."In a conversation between the two great proponents of nonviolence - Badshah Khan and Mahatma Gandhi - Khan leaves us with a fitting message on religion as a source of peace: "Not one in hundred thousand knows the true spirit of Islam. I think at the back of our quarrels is the failure to recognize that all faiths contain enough inspiration for their adherents. The Holy Koran says in so many words that God sends messengers for all nations and peoples. All of them are Ahle Kitab (Men of the Book) and the Hindus are no less Ahle Kitab than Jews and Christians.""The Holy Prophet Mohammed came into this world and taught us: 'That man is a Muslim who never hurts anyone by word or deed, but who works for the benefit and happiness of God's creatures. Belief in God is to love one's fellow men.'"--
Abdul Ghaffar KhanNonviolence advocate and a nonviolent solider of God.
Thanks khyberwatch.
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