نازولي يادونه او وسوسې
ډاکټر خورشيد عالم
غني رښتيا وئيلي دي:
چغې وئي اجل ملا تۀ اورې کۀ نۀ اورې
تشه خاوره نۀ ده غني څنګه به شي خاورې
هم دغه ولي بابا ؤ... دا ئې درېم تلين دے... ښۀ د خاورې څلے وينم.. په تابوت کښې مې پټې سترګې ليدلے دے.. خو دې خپل فکر او ذهن له څۀ دارو وکړم چې قانع ئې کړم چې ولي بابا دې نړۍ کښې نشته. اندېښنې مې يوسي، د فکر په ټال راته ټالۍ راکړي لکه چې د ولي بابا سره د کور د زوړند بوټي لاندې ناست يم او هغه راته لګيا دے خبرې کوي. دغه فکر راته وائي کوهستانيه! په دومره ساده منطق نۀ پوهېږې چې "ولي" يو تن ؤ خو يو "فکر" هم ؤ. فکر چرته مري؟ زۀ ورسره په جنګ يم، نا نا زۀ د هغۀ اواز اورېدل غواړم،مودې شوې دي چې هغه زما د سر په وېښتو کښې لاس نۀ دے وهلے، زۀ ئې خوا ته نۀ يم نزدې کړے چې د خپل زړۀ ګرمي، د شاتو په شان خوږې او ژورې خبرې راته وکړي.
ګېنټه نۀ په ګېنټو. هغه چې د پښتون د مستقبل "خوش بين" ؤ، وايم چې زۀ ورته د وينو دا بهير وښيم او ورته ووايم چې ستا خوش بيني د وينو درياب لاهو کړه. زړۀ مې غواړي چې يو ځل بيا د لېونو په شان ولي باغ ته ننوتے او هغه اواز مې واورېدے. لېونيه! بيا څۀ دي؟ او ما د معمول مطابق ورته ووئيلے چې په مزغو کښې مې بيا ازغے انښتے دے وباسمه ئې کنه!! زۀ خو يو قامي تبليغي يم چې په خپله ازغے لرم نو په تبليغ به څۀ وکړم او هغه خواته نزدې کړے او په ګېنټو ئې د وخت، تاريخ په کړکېچونو پوهه کړے او اخر کښې مې ورسره جنګ وکړې او خفه ترې لاړې او سبا له د هغۀ استاذے راته ولاړ وے چې راشه بابا دې غواړي.
زمونږ هم څۀ عجيبه پيري او مريدي وه. پير به مريد پخلا کوو، نۀ پوهېږم چې هغه نازبردار ؤ او کۀ د فکري تړون کلک والے ؤ. زما جګړه هغه تل زما ناز ګڼلے دے او په بدل کښې ئې د مينې سره د علم او پوهې غټ پنډوکے راته په سر کړے دے... د کتابونو او نورو حوالو يو غټ فهرست... چې واخله ولوله.
راته به ئې وئيل د پښتنو دا عادت مۀ اخله چې په کتاب پېسې نۀ ورکوي چې پېسې ور نۀ کړې نو کتاب څوک نۀ ګوري، بدبختانه دا زمونږ قامي رنځ دے، کۀ هر څومره به بحث، تاريخي او دروند ؤ نو د خټک صېب خبره چې "ولي" محفل آرا دے، محفل له داسې رنګ ورکړي چې په چا بوج کېږي نۀ.
پښتنو د کتاب سره کومې ډزې کړې دي دا خبره به ئې ډېره په خوند کوله راته به ئې وئيل کوهستانيه! مونږ د هري پور جېل کښې وو، غني خان وې ما د علي خان کتاب لوستو، خدائي خدمتګار په بيګار لګيا وو يو شعر مې ډېر خوښ شو، شعر دا دے:
واوړېد علي خان په هسې شُوخو خُونه چوړو
وژلۀ ئې زده نۀ وو پرې ئې لور ولګوۀ
مطلب ئې ؤ چې په داسې ساده ګانو اوښتے يم چې په لور مې حلالوي، ټولو ته مې اواز ورکړو چې د علي خان بابا يو شعر واورئ، ډېر ښۀ دے، ټول راغونډ شول ډېر په غور ئې شعر واورېدو، ټول غلي وو، ناڅاپه يو خدائي خدمتګار ووې ښه خانه! دې بدبختو علي خان په لور حلال کړے ؤ؟
ولي بابا ته زۀ خټک بابا په 1965 کښې نزدې راوستم. دې شعوري نزديکت زۀ په 1972 کښې بابا ته دومره نزدې کړم چې د هغۀ يو خصوصي معاون يا سکتر شم، 1974 کښې بابا په اولني ځل ما سره د ولايت د کارلائل په ښار کښې اولنۍ ډېرې اوږدې خبرې وکړې او زۀ ئې د قامي او بېن الاقوامي سياست په راز رموز پوهه کړم. ما چې تر هغه وخته پورې څۀ ليکل کړي وو، د هغې کۀ هر څۀ معيار ؤ، خو ستائنه ئې وکړه، کارلائل ته خو د ډاکټر قاضي په بلنه راغلے ؤ، خو راته ئې ووئيل چې راشه خپل کور ته مې بوځه، څۀ سېل به هم وشي، خبرې به هم وکړو.
د ډاکټر قاضي په ذريعه باچا خان د کارلائل په هسپتال کښې داخل پاتې شوے ؤ، کارلائل د انګلېنډ او د سکاټ لېنډ په بريد واقع دے. په هسپتال کښې د سکاټ لېنډ ډاکټران ډېر وو او د باچاخان دپاره ئې ډېر عقيدت لرلو او دغه درناوے به ئې ولي بابا له هم ورکوو او ګو کۀ زۀ يو جونئير رجسټرار وم خو دې ډاکټرانو به زما هم ډېر خيال ساتلو او ټولو به ماته Afghan Lade (افغانے هلک) وئيل.
دغه زمونږ د فکري نزديکت اولنے ملاقات ؤ. په ولي بابا کښې يوه عظيمه خوبي دا وه چې هغۀ به نيت ته کتل د عمل غلطي کۀ به هر څومره غټه وه، هغه به ئې دومره وړه کړه چې سړے به حېران شو. بوټو خپل اصلي شکل ښودلے ؤ چې واقعي سويلين کم او مارشل اېډمنسټرېټر ډېر دے. په پښتنو بيا يوه نېزه نمر راښکته شوے ؤ. هم دغه ورځو کښې زمونږ ملګرو لويه کاميابي ترلاسه کړې وه، بوټو صېب ته د اکسفورډ يونيورسټۍ نه ورکړې شوې اعزازي Ph.D (پي اېچ ډي) واپس کړې شوې وه. د تجربې کمي وه دغې غټې کاميابۍ زمونږ سترګې پټې کړې وې، ما خپله مجله کښې يو داسې غلط او بې بنياده خبر چاپ کړو چې د موجوده مشر اسفنديار ولي خان او د نورو ملګرو په ګرفتارۍ او وهلو ټکولو تمام شو. د پارټۍ مشرانو ښۀ راښکودم، ګو کۀ رساله د پارټۍ نۀ وه، د پارټۍ اخبار ډېموکرېټک پاکستان ؤ، د ولي بابا سره د ملاوېدو نه ويرېدم او شرمېدم خو چې کله ورسره سکهر جېل کښې ميلاؤ شوم نو هغۀ دا لويه خبره دومره وړه کړه چې زۀ حېران شوم. په سياست کښې غلطيانې کېږي څۀ وشو کۀ اسفنديار جېل کښې شو، ځوان سړے دے، راخلاص به شي او فوري ئې په يو بل مهم ولېږلم. بايد دا تاثر ئې راکوو چې اعتماد دې نۀ دے بائللے. د هغه مشن نه چې واپس د کوئټې د ډاکټر ارباب يوسف (مرحوم) په ذريعه مې ملاقات وشو نو مسکے شو، راته ئې ووئيل خدائے بخښلي ولاړ دي، د مطلب خبره په لنډو وکړه او چې ما ورته ووئيل "بابا نور ملکونه پرېږده زمونږ بره خپل ورور مونږ استعمالوي خو مدعي مو نۀ ګڼي" وې وئيل "ښۀ وشو، په اول ځل مې رښتيا واورېدل".
د وخت سره ماته دا احساس کېدۀ چې د بابا نه سياسي غلطي کېدے شي، اخر انسان ؤ خو په علمي توګه دے چې څومره د زمکې د پاسه دے څو څو چنده په زمکه کښې دننه دے خو د هر کس کاسې ته ئې کتل او هغه هومره ئې ورته ځان څرګندوۀ. دا دعويٰ چرې نۀ شم کولے چې ما ته ئې ځان ټول څرګند کړے ؤ، دا به قطعي دروغ او ځان غټاوے وي خو چې څومره ئې راته ځان ښودلو، نو د بحر الکاهل نه ژور د علم يو درياب ؤ چې د سکندر مرزا نه راواخله تر بوټو پورې څومره سياست دانان ما اورېدلي او ليدلي وو دغه کښې سهروردي نۀ شم شاملولے ځکه د هغۀ يو تقرير مې اورېدلے ؤ او د هغۀ د دانش نۀ ډېر متاثر شوے وم. په ښکاره چې هغه کوم د امريکې وکالت کولو نو حېران ئې کړم. پاکستان کښې چرته داسې واکمن واک نۀ دے اخستے چې د امريکې ګوډاګے نۀ وي پاتې. خو چا دا زړۀ نۀ دے کړے چې يوې عامې جلسه کښې د امريکې وکالت وکړي.
د بابا انداز بيان داسې ؤ چې څوک به ورسره ميلاوېدو نو هم زما په شان تصور به ئې ځان سره راوړو.
حاضر جوابۍ کښې ئې هم د منطقي انداز لمن د لاسه نۀ پرېښوده او نۀ به ئې پُوچه خبره کوله په ولايت کښې ورله د سرحد آخري انګرېز ګورنر اولف کېرو ډوډۍ کړې وه، تپوس ئې ترې وکړو چې کۀ ستاسو صوبه سرحد کښې اوس بيا ريفرنډم وشي نو تاسو او مسلم ليګ کښې به ئې څوک ګټي، ولي بابا فوراً جواب ورکړو نۀ مونږه او نۀ مسلم ليګ، تۀ به ئې ګټې،خلق به درته وائي واپس راشئ.
دغسې په يوه بله موقعه بابا بولټن بلاک کښې داخل ؤ، جنرل فضل حق (مرحوم) ورله تپوس له راغے، د دوي خبرې وې، آخر ئې ترې تپوس وکړو، پيره! تۀ خو په دې صوبه د مارشل لاء د اېډمنسټرېتر، ګورنر او وزيراعليٰ په درې واړو حېثيتونو پاتې شوې، ستا څۀ خيال دے دا صوبه او د دې د اوسېدونکو حال به څنګه ښۀ شي؟ مرحوم فضل حق ورته ووې چې کۀ ماله څوک پوره اختيار راکړي دا به زۀ انګرېزانو له په اجاره ورکړم، بابا وخندل، وې وئيل پيره! زۀ خبر نۀ وم چې پاکستانے جرنېل هم رښتيا وئيلے شي!!
بايد چې دا خبرې ما چرته په خپل تير ليک کښې کړې وے خو دلته ئې بيا وئيل ضروري ګڼم ځکه د موجوده حالاتو حل پکښې هم دے. باچا خان بولټن بلاک کښې داخل ؤ، په برنډه کښې کټ کښې ناست ؤ، ناڅاپه ولي بابا راغے،ما نه ئې تپوس وکړو، کوهستانيه! څوک دي؟ ما وې بابا ولي خان دوي راغلل، هغه لا ناست نۀ ؤ چې باچا خان ترې تپوس وکړو، ولي! په دې پارټۍ څۀ وشو او ما اورېدلي دي چې تا عدم تشدد پرېښے دے؟ بابا ورته جواب کښې ووې پارټي خو ټيک ده، زما د عدم تشدد پرېښودو دا خبره چا غلطه کړې ده، زۀ خو د هر انسان سره تعلق په عدم تشدد ساتم. دا يو انساني خصلت دے خو کۀ يو سپے راباندې حمله وکړي، پرتوګ مې شلوي، شرموي مې، چک راباندې لګوي، پرهر کوي مې نو هغه د عدم تشدد حق نۀ لري، هغه تش په نوم سياست دانان او مفکرين چې دا وائي چې زمونږ په خاوره دا تپلے شوے جنګ زمونږ جنګ نۀ دے دا هغه کسان دي چې د بعضې الفاظو ئې ګوڼه (رڼه) کړې وي. د سياست سترګې ئې ړندې وي، نظر ئې د پوزې د سر نه لرې نۀ ځي، منطقي خبره خو دا ده چې کۀ د ګاونډي په کور اور ولګي او راځي زمونږ د کور برګو او چت ته راورسي خو مونږ به څادر له ټک ورکوو،خپل کور به په لمبو کښې پرېږدو، چې دا زمونږ د سر اور نۀ دے، د ګاونډي اور دے، دا منطق د پوهېدو نۀ دے.
دا خبره خو ولي بابا جنرل ضياءالحق ته کړې وه چې تاسو د ګاونډي په کور اور لګوئ نو زمونږ دا کور به څنګ بچ شي، کۀ تاسو هلته بارود لېږئ نو هغه خو به په ځواب کښې ګلدسته نۀ رالېږي، دې ته سياسي پختګي وائي چې څۀ لا شوي نۀ وي او سياست دان د هغې ادراک ولري.
دا لوبه چې شروع کېده نو ولي بابا په کوئټه کښې يوې جلسې ته ووې چې د پښتنو کور ته اور لګېدونکے دے، په پښتو کښې متل دے چې د کلي سويه د کلي په سپي نيوے شي، زۀ تاسو ته وايم چې راتلونکے امير د جماعت اسلامي به پښتون وي، هم هغسې وشوه او نورو مشرانو د فکر مودودي په نوم ځان له يو فارورډ بلاک جوړ کړو.
د ستر بابا (باچا خان) فلسفه، د ولي بابا سياست زمونږ د لوئے سفر اوراورکي دي، د اور اورکي رڼا د خپلې وينې نه وي.
اوس مونږ ته لږ ټکڼي کېدل پکار دي چې د خپل ځان تجزيه وکړو چې مونږ د هغوي د وينې د رڼا مستحق يُو.
زما په مالي او سياسي مستقبل بابا تل فکرمند ؤ، راته به ئې وئيل چې بدبخته! ګلالۍ راته وئيل چې بې هوشۍ کښې فيلوشپ ډېر ګران دے نو دومره ګران فيلوشپ دې په داسې معاشره کښې وکړو چې څوک ئې څۀ نۀ ګڼي، قومي سياست کښې دې لېونتوب ته راغلې چې خپل درله اهميت نۀ درکوي چې چرته د تلو نۀ دے او نور درپسې راځي نه چې د راتلو نۀ دے.
ما ووې چې تاسو ژوندي يئ نو مقتدي به يم، وې وئيل دغسې کوهستانيه! دا دې منم خو ويرېږم چې زما د مرګ نه وروستو دې سپي د اوښ په شا ونۀ خوري،ما وې جې! مرګ نۀ خلاصون نشته خو زۀ دا اورېدل نۀ غواړم. ايک معمر سياست دان انتقال فرماگئے. مسکے شو.
دا زما او د هغۀ اخري خبرې وې چې زۀ او د افغانستان سنګروال صاحب سره د دۀ د ليدو دپاره برمنګهم ته د پروين بي بي کور ته تللے وم، په دغه ورځ دۀ د يو امريکي وفد سره خبرې وې او ماته ئې څۀ وئيل غوښتل، ما سره هغه امانت تر دې امانت پروت دے، بايد چې دا موقعه هم په لاس راشي چې چا ته ئې حواله کړم خو د کور نه به ئې ګورته وړم.
د خبرو ئې څوک نشته غني ځان سره ګوڼېږي
لېونے ئې هله بولئ چې ئې وګورئ "جانان" ته
Also see:http://www.bbc.co.uk/urdu/pakistan/story/2006/01/060126_walikhan_ali.shtml
Tuesday, January 27, 2009
For Whom Will the Gulai-Nargis Bloom this Spring in the Swat Valley
For Whom Will the Gulai-Nargis Bloom this Spring in the Swat Valley
By Shaheen Sardar Ali
Today, the 15th January 2009 civilisation, democracy, human rights, rule of law, equality, justice and equity stand defeated. Today, the Government and people of Pakistan have succumbed to a disparate group of faceless, semi-invisible individuals hiding behind an opaque mask of religion and declared all girls’ education as outside the pale of Islam. ‘Iqra’[Read], a mandatory injunction in the Qur’an for every Muslim male and female, has been reduced to a meaningless word trampled under the feet of worldly gods speaking in God’s name. The great and glorious of the state of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, in a state of complete denial whine and whimper as the state recedes under their very eyes…………….. For today, the parallel ‘taliban’ the only government with any writ in Swat has declared all girls’ schools closed forever.
But who cares for the Swat Pukhtuns from the back of beyond. Let them shut down girls’ schools and chop up heads, hang them from poles and tree tops. After all, Islamabad is thriving, we have a democratically elected President, Prime Minister and Parliament. Swat and FATA are very far away and only become significant when foreign masters are in town and demand action. After agonising, weeping, brooding and making angry conversations with whoever cared to listen, I decided to share these thoughts with anyone who may wish to read and capture the tormented soul of a Swati woman sitting continents away from her beloved homeland. Is the pain greater when one is far away from home and loved ones. Does everyone living in the ‘diaspora’ experience a sinking feeling at the sound of a ringing telephone in the early hours of the morning, fearing some horrible news awaiting at the other end of the telephone. Does everyone sit glued to the television set in the anxious hope of more news of Swat, FATA and the country.
How long before we will say: enough is enough and rise, speak and act. How much more suffering before we declare emphatically that we refuse to be harassed and silenced any longer and demand answers for the wrong doings meted out to us. How many more humans will have to be slaughtered, before we stand up and say NO. When will we shout from the rooftops of Mingora, Saidu, Kabal, Matta, Sangota, Manglawar, huprial, Dewlai, Madyan, Bahrein, Kalam: stop your underhand, hypocritical games, blowing hot and cold, killing us in the name of protecting us when all the while what is being protected, is power and wealth of a few and destruction of the people of Swat. Go and play your foul game elsewhere and leave us in peace. Stop our genocide.
But, who will listen to the pleas of the traumatised souls that are my compatriots: impoverished beyond belief materially, emotionally and physically. Not the evil Machiavellis of today who cast the net of violence over unguarded people going about their daily business. Not those perched in the superior location of the corridors of power and wealth who are in a state of denial, simply looking the other way and celebrating their power and opportunity to humiliate the people of Pakistan by decorating the perpetrators of their destruction with medals.
It is that time of year in Swat when the harsh winter breeze cascades from the peaks of majestic snow capped mountains spreading its icy cold wings throughout the valley. As a child, I had bittersweet sentiments for these freezing cold winds as they coincided with my winter vacations from the Sacred Heart Convent in Lahore. Just when the sun would start shining every morning and I would want to play outside, the freezing winds would make me want to huddle indoors by the fire. One of my aunts [and later my mother-in-law] once told me why those far away mountains I saw were always to remain covered with snow… this is called the gunaangaar ghar [sinful mountain]… it is under a curse and destined to carry the burden of a snowy cap….Turning my head to the other side of the valley, I would see illum, another grand mountain lying between my home valley and that of Buner. This mountain held a more positive image in popular imagination as a saying goes in Pukhto: May you become as tall in stature as the illum mountain.
I now wonder whether it was us Swatis as well as that far away mountain carrying its ‘cursed’ load of snow all year round and visible only on clear sunny days from Mingora, that may have been under a curse. Why else has tragedy of the present proportion struck Swat and her people, making a reported 5 lakh people homeless, rendering as many others homeless and thousands dead or missing. What merited this punishment and terror, is a complex and mysterious saga details of which we may never fully comprehend. The stark reality is that hundreds of thousands of Swatis who have been peaceful, hospitable, people now live a tormented life, inside as well as outside Swat and see their beloved homeland being destroyed by the histrionics of Machiavellian power play.
I know that at this tragic stage of our existence as God and human forsaken Swatis, it is all too easy to fall into the trap of recalling a romanticised past…. Yet for us forgotten and forsaken people, any respite must come from recalling our past and building on it towards a future. I cannot help but see, albeit in a mist and haze of tearful eyes and broken heart [but not broken spirit] images of those not so long ago times, when droves of tourists from home and abroad, would ply through the Malakand Pass and make their way to Swat. We never used the word ‘tourist’ for these people coming from ‘khakata’ [‘down’ country]; everyone used the word ‘meylma’ [guest’] for these visitors and holiday makers, film production teams, honeymooners and families proudly showing off the ‘Switzerland of the East’ to their children who would then go back to school in Lahore, Rawalpindi, Karachi, indeed all parts of Pakistan, and narrate tales of the gushing waters of the river Swat, the tall pine clad mountains, the narrow dangerous roads, the clear sapphire blue waters of mahodand [a lake beyond Kalam], the ‘white palace’ in Marghozaar where the tall mountains met…
I recollect those early years of my life when we had no piped water in the family home presided over by my grandparents, and when it was common every evening, before sunset, for women to walk through discreet side alleys, towards the ‘gudar’ and ‘gaaga’ to fill their mangee [earthern ware vessels] with fresh, cold drinking water for their families. Images of dozens of women in their chaddars artfully balancing mangee on their heads and often one in their armpit walking single file down narrow lanes against the backdrop of a glorious golden setting sun on the horizon are still fresh in my memory. We children were not allowed to distract this daily ritual but on the rare occasion when my cousins and I would cajole our mothers and aunts into letting us accompany those assigned to fetch water, I would wonder why all the men suddenly seemed to ‘shy’ off and turn their heads towards the walls of the lanes, creating a ‘private-public’ space for women.
The male public sphere of this small village-like town would transform itself for a short while into female space with mangee-holding women gracefully navigating the streets and narrow alleyways. The same principle applied to the gudar where the family laundry was done. This truly was a picnic where one could simply rollick about in the green fields, tap your feet in the cold water of the streams, play hide and seek behind a bush, greedily pick the blackberries that grew along the stream, and the occasional scream when pricked unceremoniously by the thorns in the blackberry bush. There was the even rarer treat in the autumn when wild peas were in bloom and we could cunningly pick a few pods as we sauntered through the fields on our way to the water. I must emphasise that this was a regular all-women excursion and the only male intruder would be at midday when a male helper would bring the much-awaited lunch.
At about this time of year, in a few weeks perhaps, when the sun starts shining with a bit more courage and looks down on this icy cold valley, the gulai-nargis [narcissus] and ghaantol [wild tulips] will take heart and peep out of the muddy soil on the slopes of the adjoining mountains. Scores of women will be awaiting these first signs of the turning weather in the hope that they can go saaba-picking [edible green clover leaves, chives and a host of other saag type vegetation which is the staple food of most of the population]. Travellers along the road from Mingora towards Peshawar will find the familiar sight of young boys and girls holding up bouquets of narcissus and wild tulips for sale.
That is how I remember life growing up as a young girl in the Swat valley. My husband went to a co-education school in the town and his female classmates are grandmothers now. Sixty years ago in Swat, girls and boys went to primary school together; secondary and higher secondary schools for girls were full to the brim from where hundreds of young women ventured forth to the colleges and university if Peshawar and beyond. My induction as the first woman cabinet minister in the NWFP government in 1999 was widely hailed and men and women alike shared in what they saw as a collective pride and recognition of one of their own.
So when, why and how did the present nightmare unfold for us unfortunate Swatis. When did this serene, hospitable valley get chosen as the venue of game playing individuals and groups, local, national, regional and international. What was/is the game plan, input and output and what is the desired result that perpetrators of the scheme aspire to achieve. Why choose Swat as opposed to adjoining territories with less accessibility to the outside world and governmental infrastructure. How true is it that so-called militant religious extremists are entirely responsible for all the horror, terror, death and destruction of Swat and Swatis and so-called ‘progressive’ democratically elected government is innocent and beyond reproach. How true is it seeds of the present situation were sown by institutions responsible for upholding and protecting the national interest in 1994 when Sufi Mohammad took
Swat and the entire governmental machinery hostage. The ‘black turbans’, as they were called simply emerged as if from nowhere and before anyone could take a deep breath, had spread themselves across the valley. The government of the time gave them some crumbs in the form of the Nizam-i-adl regulation 1994, re-named judges and courts by using the names Qazi, Ilaqa Qazi etc., and assigned supposedly Shari’a literate muavin or advisers to assist the Qazi in administration of justice to make sure it was Shari’a compliant. People of the Malakand division as it was then called, had a choice to use the ‘Islamic law’ or the ‘regular’ law of the country. It is no secret that apart from a few women daring to challenge their male relatives to obtain their inheritance by using Islamic law, all and sundry stuck to the civil and criminal law of the country.
Some time later, dissatisfied noises started being heard regarding unsatisfactory nifaz/promulgation of Sharia, but it actually turned out that some of the muavineen, or ‘Shari’a conversant advisers, were angling for a raise in their salaries. This demand was of course met, as that was the easy way out and then forgot all about the underlying million dollar question: Was/Is there a popular demand for Shari’a promulgation in the region; how is this to be gauged; what is the problem with existing offerings and what/who is the underlying, simmering problem and issues. Why is it that this demand emanates not from more urbanised centres of Swat including Mingora, Saidu etc., but from outlying, rural areas where class divisions are more pronounced and landed class unpopular among the general population. Surely, if the demand was the result of delays in court and administration of justice generally, ought the people from the urban centres not likely to be the ones more affected thus proponents of the demand for Shari’a……………..
Leaving the above critical question on the back burner to simmer and exacerbate, we now come to another governance and neglect issue in Swat. This is the issue of ‘custom-chor’ vehicles that have flooded the market. Cars, jeeps etc are available for unbelievable paltry sums creating avenues for all sorts of activities outside the perview of the law. Why was this not dealt with and nipped in the bud asap when the problem was first spotted. Receding and abdicating state control and remit are terms that come readily to mind. The question I pose here is: Was the state apparatus unaware of this and the wider, serious implications for government and governance not to mention the lost revenue and financial fallout. Is it rocket science to decipher the fact that when you give an inch, a yard is what is generally being conceded. The signal given to those who may have had intentions of violent adventures in the area would be quite clear: go ahead and do what you want; there is very little to stop you.
Deep in the forests of Swat, it was being reported that when government officials went on inspection tours of the area, they were stopped at the foot of the mountains where the thick pine forests started. The local population also reported periodic ‘earthquake-like’ happenings as if a bomb has gone off; they were spotting unfamiliar people on the roads, were generally confused but as unsuspecting people focussing on earning two square meals for their families, never thought more of it. Neither did they know who to say all this strange goings on to; who would listen to poor villagers in the first place….
Hospital staff in the several hospitals and health facilities recollect numerous men and women patients who ‘did not look like us’, spoke a very strong sounding language, the men had ‘long hair and sort of chinky eyes’, etc etc., These sightings started about two summers ago but no governmental, agency picked this up, or did they….
Is it possible that the few thousands of militants are so superior in arms and training that the 7th largest army in the world is unable to out manoeuvre them. Are the government structures and institutions so weak that access lines to arms and ammunition cannot be cut off. But the critical questions of all, that Swatis are asking themselves and the world: Who are these ‘people’ who have captured their land, terrorised them to death, why and for what end and purpose. As citizens of this country, Swatis demand answers to these questions and for the government to take responsibility for leaving them without security, succour and sustenance.
The writer is Professor of law, University of Warwick, United Kingdom, Professor II, University of Oslo, Norway and Member of the UN Working Group on Arbitrary detention. She was formerly Professor of law, University of Peshawar.
Email: s.s.ali@warwick.ac.uk
Source:http://www.khybernews.tv/news_details.php?newsid=191
By Shaheen Sardar Ali
Today, the 15th January 2009 civilisation, democracy, human rights, rule of law, equality, justice and equity stand defeated. Today, the Government and people of Pakistan have succumbed to a disparate group of faceless, semi-invisible individuals hiding behind an opaque mask of religion and declared all girls’ education as outside the pale of Islam. ‘Iqra’[Read], a mandatory injunction in the Qur’an for every Muslim male and female, has been reduced to a meaningless word trampled under the feet of worldly gods speaking in God’s name. The great and glorious of the state of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, in a state of complete denial whine and whimper as the state recedes under their very eyes…………….. For today, the parallel ‘taliban’ the only government with any writ in Swat has declared all girls’ schools closed forever.
But who cares for the Swat Pukhtuns from the back of beyond. Let them shut down girls’ schools and chop up heads, hang them from poles and tree tops. After all, Islamabad is thriving, we have a democratically elected President, Prime Minister and Parliament. Swat and FATA are very far away and only become significant when foreign masters are in town and demand action. After agonising, weeping, brooding and making angry conversations with whoever cared to listen, I decided to share these thoughts with anyone who may wish to read and capture the tormented soul of a Swati woman sitting continents away from her beloved homeland. Is the pain greater when one is far away from home and loved ones. Does everyone living in the ‘diaspora’ experience a sinking feeling at the sound of a ringing telephone in the early hours of the morning, fearing some horrible news awaiting at the other end of the telephone. Does everyone sit glued to the television set in the anxious hope of more news of Swat, FATA and the country.
How long before we will say: enough is enough and rise, speak and act. How much more suffering before we declare emphatically that we refuse to be harassed and silenced any longer and demand answers for the wrong doings meted out to us. How many more humans will have to be slaughtered, before we stand up and say NO. When will we shout from the rooftops of Mingora, Saidu, Kabal, Matta, Sangota, Manglawar, huprial, Dewlai, Madyan, Bahrein, Kalam: stop your underhand, hypocritical games, blowing hot and cold, killing us in the name of protecting us when all the while what is being protected, is power and wealth of a few and destruction of the people of Swat. Go and play your foul game elsewhere and leave us in peace. Stop our genocide.
But, who will listen to the pleas of the traumatised souls that are my compatriots: impoverished beyond belief materially, emotionally and physically. Not the evil Machiavellis of today who cast the net of violence over unguarded people going about their daily business. Not those perched in the superior location of the corridors of power and wealth who are in a state of denial, simply looking the other way and celebrating their power and opportunity to humiliate the people of Pakistan by decorating the perpetrators of their destruction with medals.
It is that time of year in Swat when the harsh winter breeze cascades from the peaks of majestic snow capped mountains spreading its icy cold wings throughout the valley. As a child, I had bittersweet sentiments for these freezing cold winds as they coincided with my winter vacations from the Sacred Heart Convent in Lahore. Just when the sun would start shining every morning and I would want to play outside, the freezing winds would make me want to huddle indoors by the fire. One of my aunts [and later my mother-in-law] once told me why those far away mountains I saw were always to remain covered with snow… this is called the gunaangaar ghar [sinful mountain]… it is under a curse and destined to carry the burden of a snowy cap….Turning my head to the other side of the valley, I would see illum, another grand mountain lying between my home valley and that of Buner. This mountain held a more positive image in popular imagination as a saying goes in Pukhto: May you become as tall in stature as the illum mountain.
I now wonder whether it was us Swatis as well as that far away mountain carrying its ‘cursed’ load of snow all year round and visible only on clear sunny days from Mingora, that may have been under a curse. Why else has tragedy of the present proportion struck Swat and her people, making a reported 5 lakh people homeless, rendering as many others homeless and thousands dead or missing. What merited this punishment and terror, is a complex and mysterious saga details of which we may never fully comprehend. The stark reality is that hundreds of thousands of Swatis who have been peaceful, hospitable, people now live a tormented life, inside as well as outside Swat and see their beloved homeland being destroyed by the histrionics of Machiavellian power play.
I know that at this tragic stage of our existence as God and human forsaken Swatis, it is all too easy to fall into the trap of recalling a romanticised past…. Yet for us forgotten and forsaken people, any respite must come from recalling our past and building on it towards a future. I cannot help but see, albeit in a mist and haze of tearful eyes and broken heart [but not broken spirit] images of those not so long ago times, when droves of tourists from home and abroad, would ply through the Malakand Pass and make their way to Swat. We never used the word ‘tourist’ for these people coming from ‘khakata’ [‘down’ country]; everyone used the word ‘meylma’ [guest’] for these visitors and holiday makers, film production teams, honeymooners and families proudly showing off the ‘Switzerland of the East’ to their children who would then go back to school in Lahore, Rawalpindi, Karachi, indeed all parts of Pakistan, and narrate tales of the gushing waters of the river Swat, the tall pine clad mountains, the narrow dangerous roads, the clear sapphire blue waters of mahodand [a lake beyond Kalam], the ‘white palace’ in Marghozaar where the tall mountains met…
I recollect those early years of my life when we had no piped water in the family home presided over by my grandparents, and when it was common every evening, before sunset, for women to walk through discreet side alleys, towards the ‘gudar’ and ‘gaaga’ to fill their mangee [earthern ware vessels] with fresh, cold drinking water for their families. Images of dozens of women in their chaddars artfully balancing mangee on their heads and often one in their armpit walking single file down narrow lanes against the backdrop of a glorious golden setting sun on the horizon are still fresh in my memory. We children were not allowed to distract this daily ritual but on the rare occasion when my cousins and I would cajole our mothers and aunts into letting us accompany those assigned to fetch water, I would wonder why all the men suddenly seemed to ‘shy’ off and turn their heads towards the walls of the lanes, creating a ‘private-public’ space for women.
The male public sphere of this small village-like town would transform itself for a short while into female space with mangee-holding women gracefully navigating the streets and narrow alleyways. The same principle applied to the gudar where the family laundry was done. This truly was a picnic where one could simply rollick about in the green fields, tap your feet in the cold water of the streams, play hide and seek behind a bush, greedily pick the blackberries that grew along the stream, and the occasional scream when pricked unceremoniously by the thorns in the blackberry bush. There was the even rarer treat in the autumn when wild peas were in bloom and we could cunningly pick a few pods as we sauntered through the fields on our way to the water. I must emphasise that this was a regular all-women excursion and the only male intruder would be at midday when a male helper would bring the much-awaited lunch.
At about this time of year, in a few weeks perhaps, when the sun starts shining with a bit more courage and looks down on this icy cold valley, the gulai-nargis [narcissus] and ghaantol [wild tulips] will take heart and peep out of the muddy soil on the slopes of the adjoining mountains. Scores of women will be awaiting these first signs of the turning weather in the hope that they can go saaba-picking [edible green clover leaves, chives and a host of other saag type vegetation which is the staple food of most of the population]. Travellers along the road from Mingora towards Peshawar will find the familiar sight of young boys and girls holding up bouquets of narcissus and wild tulips for sale.
That is how I remember life growing up as a young girl in the Swat valley. My husband went to a co-education school in the town and his female classmates are grandmothers now. Sixty years ago in Swat, girls and boys went to primary school together; secondary and higher secondary schools for girls were full to the brim from where hundreds of young women ventured forth to the colleges and university if Peshawar and beyond. My induction as the first woman cabinet minister in the NWFP government in 1999 was widely hailed and men and women alike shared in what they saw as a collective pride and recognition of one of their own.
So when, why and how did the present nightmare unfold for us unfortunate Swatis. When did this serene, hospitable valley get chosen as the venue of game playing individuals and groups, local, national, regional and international. What was/is the game plan, input and output and what is the desired result that perpetrators of the scheme aspire to achieve. Why choose Swat as opposed to adjoining territories with less accessibility to the outside world and governmental infrastructure. How true is it that so-called militant religious extremists are entirely responsible for all the horror, terror, death and destruction of Swat and Swatis and so-called ‘progressive’ democratically elected government is innocent and beyond reproach. How true is it seeds of the present situation were sown by institutions responsible for upholding and protecting the national interest in 1994 when Sufi Mohammad took
Swat and the entire governmental machinery hostage. The ‘black turbans’, as they were called simply emerged as if from nowhere and before anyone could take a deep breath, had spread themselves across the valley. The government of the time gave them some crumbs in the form of the Nizam-i-adl regulation 1994, re-named judges and courts by using the names Qazi, Ilaqa Qazi etc., and assigned supposedly Shari’a literate muavin or advisers to assist the Qazi in administration of justice to make sure it was Shari’a compliant. People of the Malakand division as it was then called, had a choice to use the ‘Islamic law’ or the ‘regular’ law of the country. It is no secret that apart from a few women daring to challenge their male relatives to obtain their inheritance by using Islamic law, all and sundry stuck to the civil and criminal law of the country.
Some time later, dissatisfied noises started being heard regarding unsatisfactory nifaz/promulgation of Sharia, but it actually turned out that some of the muavineen, or ‘Shari’a conversant advisers, were angling for a raise in their salaries. This demand was of course met, as that was the easy way out and then forgot all about the underlying million dollar question: Was/Is there a popular demand for Shari’a promulgation in the region; how is this to be gauged; what is the problem with existing offerings and what/who is the underlying, simmering problem and issues. Why is it that this demand emanates not from more urbanised centres of Swat including Mingora, Saidu etc., but from outlying, rural areas where class divisions are more pronounced and landed class unpopular among the general population. Surely, if the demand was the result of delays in court and administration of justice generally, ought the people from the urban centres not likely to be the ones more affected thus proponents of the demand for Shari’a……………..
Leaving the above critical question on the back burner to simmer and exacerbate, we now come to another governance and neglect issue in Swat. This is the issue of ‘custom-chor’ vehicles that have flooded the market. Cars, jeeps etc are available for unbelievable paltry sums creating avenues for all sorts of activities outside the perview of the law. Why was this not dealt with and nipped in the bud asap when the problem was first spotted. Receding and abdicating state control and remit are terms that come readily to mind. The question I pose here is: Was the state apparatus unaware of this and the wider, serious implications for government and governance not to mention the lost revenue and financial fallout. Is it rocket science to decipher the fact that when you give an inch, a yard is what is generally being conceded. The signal given to those who may have had intentions of violent adventures in the area would be quite clear: go ahead and do what you want; there is very little to stop you.
Deep in the forests of Swat, it was being reported that when government officials went on inspection tours of the area, they were stopped at the foot of the mountains where the thick pine forests started. The local population also reported periodic ‘earthquake-like’ happenings as if a bomb has gone off; they were spotting unfamiliar people on the roads, were generally confused but as unsuspecting people focussing on earning two square meals for their families, never thought more of it. Neither did they know who to say all this strange goings on to; who would listen to poor villagers in the first place….
Hospital staff in the several hospitals and health facilities recollect numerous men and women patients who ‘did not look like us’, spoke a very strong sounding language, the men had ‘long hair and sort of chinky eyes’, etc etc., These sightings started about two summers ago but no governmental, agency picked this up, or did they….
Is it possible that the few thousands of militants are so superior in arms and training that the 7th largest army in the world is unable to out manoeuvre them. Are the government structures and institutions so weak that access lines to arms and ammunition cannot be cut off. But the critical questions of all, that Swatis are asking themselves and the world: Who are these ‘people’ who have captured their land, terrorised them to death, why and for what end and purpose. As citizens of this country, Swatis demand answers to these questions and for the government to take responsibility for leaving them without security, succour and sustenance.
The writer is Professor of law, University of Warwick, United Kingdom, Professor II, University of Oslo, Norway and Member of the UN Working Group on Arbitrary detention. She was formerly Professor of law, University of Peshawar.
Email: s.s.ali@warwick.ac.uk
Source:http://www.khybernews.tv/news_details.php?newsid=191
Saturday, January 24, 2009
No point in talking to the Taliban
No point in talking to the Taliban
Friday, January 23, 2009
by Farhat Taj
Some weeks ago I was with a family in the NWFP. The family had staying with them many relatives from a
Taliban-occupied tribal area. I asked one of the relatives his views on a dialogue with the Taliban. We were
talking in Pashto, but the young man's prompt reaction came in English: "Dialogue? Taliban? My foot!"
Then he returned to Pashto. "All those who want a dialogue with the Taliban should go to hell.
No dialogue with the Taliban. The army must kill them all. But the army does not want to kill them.
"The remarks typify the widespread feelings of hatred towards the Taliban and of disappointment in the
army's failure to curb them in the tribal areas and the NWFP. People just want the writ of the government
restored and the Taliban brought before the law.Most of those in Pakistan who seek the dialogue are outsiders
who do not care to come to the Pakhtun areas and see the ground realities and the sufferings of the people.
They are either intellectually lazy or are insensitive to the trauma of the terrorised people.One of these advocates
of a dialogue between the government and the Taliban is Masooda Bano. After reading her article in The News
titled "What a Thought" (Jan 16), I sent her an email asking the following questions.
1) Which Taliban/militant leaders
in the Pakhtun areas are you proposing for a dialogue? Please name those leaders.
2) Please elaborate why you think there should be dialogue with those leaders. Please elaborate one by one with reference to each leader?
3) If not the Taliban/militant leaders, who else are you proposing as partners in the dialogue?
4) Under what conditions should a dialogue with Taliban/militants take place, or should it be unconditional?
5) Are you from the NWFP or FATA?
6) If not, when was the last time you came to the NWFP or FATA?
She never replied to my email. If she had replied, I would have had a better idea of the logic behind her suggestion
for the dialogue. One person with whom I discussed her suggestion said the writer is backing the Taliban by asking
for what they themselves ask--a dialogue.
"The Taliban ask for dialogue just to get more time and space to reorganizes," said a woman.
Masooda Bano referred to words two British ministers to conclude that there is "recognition at the global level that the
use of force perpetuates rather than curtails militancy," which provides the Pakistani leadership with "just the right support to build a strong case for replacing military operations in the NWFP and tribal belt with dialogue.
" The Pakhtun who experience the full range of Talibanisation, day and and day out, know that Taliban atrocities are not going to end with a dialogue. The Taliban have an agenda of a savage social order to be imposed on the people. The Pakhtun are not ready for that and this is the reason why they are bearing the brunt of the Taliban savagery.
Hatred against the Taliban in the Pakhtun areas is at an all-time high and so is disappointment, even resentment, about the Pakistani army for its failure to stop the Taliban.
All over the NWFP and FATA one can find people who even discuss possibilities of Israel and India to be asked for help. Their argument goes like this: "We are not killed by Israel and India. We are killed by the Taliban and the Pakistani army.
So, who is our enemy, then?" Many people in the Taliban-occupied territories of the NWFP and FATA told me they constantly pray for the US drones to bomb the Taliban headquarters in their areas since the Pakistani army is unwilling
to do so. Many people of Waziristan told me they are satisfied with the US drone attacks on militants in Waziristan and they want the Americans to keep it up till all the militants, local Pakhtun, the Punjabis and the foreigners, are eliminated.
The Pakhtun are not ready to accept that the strong Pakistani army is unable to eliminate the key leaders of all the Taliban groups and their headquarters.
People argue: When the Pakistani army leadership wished, it eliminated Nawab Akbar Bugti in the most brutal manner,
in complete disrespect for the wishes of the Baloch and other Pakistanis. How come the army does not eliminate the murderous gangsters like Taliban leaders Baituall and Fazllulah when the Pakhtun are asking for it?
People want the army to eliminate the entire leadership of all Taliban gangs, their headquarters and hideouts in targeted operations based on good intelligence. The Pakhtun are not ready to accept that the mighty ISI cannot provide actionable intelligence to the army for prompt targeted operations.
In my article of Jan 15 I explained that there cannot be a dialogue with the Taliban because there does not exist any common ground that is mutually respected by both the government of Pakistan and the Taliban. Such a ground, I argued, can be the law of Pakistan, the code of Pakhtunwali or Islam--none of which is respected by the Taliban.
Now I would say that it is not even practical and feasible to have a dialogue with the Taliban. The Taliban are not a homogeneous group. There are not one, two, three, four or five Taliban leaders. The Taliban are made up of a large number of militant and criminal gangs. (Perhaps the ISI knows the exact number.) How many dialogues must the government initiate? How many criminal gangs must the government appease?The Taliban groups have a broad-based combined
agenda--i.e., imposition of their own version of religion on the Pakhtun through terror and violence. But the groups operate independently of each other. They, however, support, or at least do not mess up with, each other's activities in the implementation of the agenda. Thus, for example, a group of local Taliban in North Waziristan have a peace deal with the army. According to the written version of the agreement (which has been seen by NWFP and tribal journalists),
the deal binds the Taliban not to allow any activities in their area that can be against the law of Pakistan. But some South Waziristan Taliban gangs, linked with the Punjab-based sectarian groups Sipah-e-Sahaba and Lashkar-e-Jangvi, move through the area of North Waziristan Taliban to come to the area between Kohat and Parachinar to terrorise Shia Pakhtun in the area. After having committed their acts of terrorism in the Shia reas, they go back to South Waziristan via North Waziristan where the Taliban that have agreement with the army never ever try to stop this traffic in the Shia areas.Taliban gangs in both Waziristan routinely terrorise the people of Waziristan. This is one of the key reasons why so many people of Waziristan have preferred to live as internally displaced people in other parts of Pakistan.An internally displaced woman of Waziristan with whom I discussed Masooda Bano's article has this message for her: "Would you like to live under Taliban rule? If yes, you are most welcome to come to Taliban-occupied Waziristan or Swat. If not, why do you float pro-Taliban suggestions like the dialogue which will force the Pakhtun to live under their inhuman order one way of the other? Or perhaps you believe that the Pakhtun are naturally cut out for brutal life under the Taliban."The NWFP government had an agreement with groups of the Taliban in the NWFP. According to the agreement the arrested Taliban militants for involvements in terrorist activities were to be released after a judicial procedure. Later some Taliban leaders argued that they do not believe in the law of Pakistan and insisted the arrested Taliban must be released without any judicial procedure under the law. The government refused, and this put the agreement in trouble.The Pakhtun are sick and tired of this dialogue and the so-called peace agreements with the Taliban. They want the Taliban brought by force under Pakistani law. As a Pakhtun I understand the outsiders, whether ignorant or insensitive, do not understand and respect this law.The writer is a research fellow at the Centre for Interdisciplinary Gender Research, University of Oslo and a member of Aryana Institute for Regional Research and Advocacy.
Friday, January 23, 2009
by Farhat Taj
Some weeks ago I was with a family in the NWFP. The family had staying with them many relatives from a
Taliban-occupied tribal area. I asked one of the relatives his views on a dialogue with the Taliban. We were
talking in Pashto, but the young man's prompt reaction came in English: "Dialogue? Taliban? My foot!"
Then he returned to Pashto. "All those who want a dialogue with the Taliban should go to hell.
No dialogue with the Taliban. The army must kill them all. But the army does not want to kill them.
"The remarks typify the widespread feelings of hatred towards the Taliban and of disappointment in the
army's failure to curb them in the tribal areas and the NWFP. People just want the writ of the government
restored and the Taliban brought before the law.Most of those in Pakistan who seek the dialogue are outsiders
who do not care to come to the Pakhtun areas and see the ground realities and the sufferings of the people.
They are either intellectually lazy or are insensitive to the trauma of the terrorised people.One of these advocates
of a dialogue between the government and the Taliban is Masooda Bano. After reading her article in The News
titled "What a Thought" (Jan 16), I sent her an email asking the following questions.
1) Which Taliban/militant leaders
in the Pakhtun areas are you proposing for a dialogue? Please name those leaders.
2) Please elaborate why you think there should be dialogue with those leaders. Please elaborate one by one with reference to each leader?
3) If not the Taliban/militant leaders, who else are you proposing as partners in the dialogue?
4) Under what conditions should a dialogue with Taliban/militants take place, or should it be unconditional?
5) Are you from the NWFP or FATA?
6) If not, when was the last time you came to the NWFP or FATA?
She never replied to my email. If she had replied, I would have had a better idea of the logic behind her suggestion
for the dialogue. One person with whom I discussed her suggestion said the writer is backing the Taliban by asking
for what they themselves ask--a dialogue.
"The Taliban ask for dialogue just to get more time and space to reorganizes," said a woman.
Masooda Bano referred to words two British ministers to conclude that there is "recognition at the global level that the
use of force perpetuates rather than curtails militancy," which provides the Pakistani leadership with "just the right support to build a strong case for replacing military operations in the NWFP and tribal belt with dialogue.
" The Pakhtun who experience the full range of Talibanisation, day and and day out, know that Taliban atrocities are not going to end with a dialogue. The Taliban have an agenda of a savage social order to be imposed on the people. The Pakhtun are not ready for that and this is the reason why they are bearing the brunt of the Taliban savagery.
Hatred against the Taliban in the Pakhtun areas is at an all-time high and so is disappointment, even resentment, about the Pakistani army for its failure to stop the Taliban.
All over the NWFP and FATA one can find people who even discuss possibilities of Israel and India to be asked for help. Their argument goes like this: "We are not killed by Israel and India. We are killed by the Taliban and the Pakistani army.
So, who is our enemy, then?" Many people in the Taliban-occupied territories of the NWFP and FATA told me they constantly pray for the US drones to bomb the Taliban headquarters in their areas since the Pakistani army is unwilling
to do so. Many people of Waziristan told me they are satisfied with the US drone attacks on militants in Waziristan and they want the Americans to keep it up till all the militants, local Pakhtun, the Punjabis and the foreigners, are eliminated.
The Pakhtun are not ready to accept that the strong Pakistani army is unable to eliminate the key leaders of all the Taliban groups and their headquarters.
People argue: When the Pakistani army leadership wished, it eliminated Nawab Akbar Bugti in the most brutal manner,
in complete disrespect for the wishes of the Baloch and other Pakistanis. How come the army does not eliminate the murderous gangsters like Taliban leaders Baituall and Fazllulah when the Pakhtun are asking for it?
People want the army to eliminate the entire leadership of all Taliban gangs, their headquarters and hideouts in targeted operations based on good intelligence. The Pakhtun are not ready to accept that the mighty ISI cannot provide actionable intelligence to the army for prompt targeted operations.
In my article of Jan 15 I explained that there cannot be a dialogue with the Taliban because there does not exist any common ground that is mutually respected by both the government of Pakistan and the Taliban. Such a ground, I argued, can be the law of Pakistan, the code of Pakhtunwali or Islam--none of which is respected by the Taliban.
Now I would say that it is not even practical and feasible to have a dialogue with the Taliban. The Taliban are not a homogeneous group. There are not one, two, three, four or five Taliban leaders. The Taliban are made up of a large number of militant and criminal gangs. (Perhaps the ISI knows the exact number.) How many dialogues must the government initiate? How many criminal gangs must the government appease?The Taliban groups have a broad-based combined
agenda--i.e., imposition of their own version of religion on the Pakhtun through terror and violence. But the groups operate independently of each other. They, however, support, or at least do not mess up with, each other's activities in the implementation of the agenda. Thus, for example, a group of local Taliban in North Waziristan have a peace deal with the army. According to the written version of the agreement (which has been seen by NWFP and tribal journalists),
the deal binds the Taliban not to allow any activities in their area that can be against the law of Pakistan. But some South Waziristan Taliban gangs, linked with the Punjab-based sectarian groups Sipah-e-Sahaba and Lashkar-e-Jangvi, move through the area of North Waziristan Taliban to come to the area between Kohat and Parachinar to terrorise Shia Pakhtun in the area. After having committed their acts of terrorism in the Shia reas, they go back to South Waziristan via North Waziristan where the Taliban that have agreement with the army never ever try to stop this traffic in the Shia areas.Taliban gangs in both Waziristan routinely terrorise the people of Waziristan. This is one of the key reasons why so many people of Waziristan have preferred to live as internally displaced people in other parts of Pakistan.An internally displaced woman of Waziristan with whom I discussed Masooda Bano's article has this message for her: "Would you like to live under Taliban rule? If yes, you are most welcome to come to Taliban-occupied Waziristan or Swat. If not, why do you float pro-Taliban suggestions like the dialogue which will force the Pakhtun to live under their inhuman order one way of the other? Or perhaps you believe that the Pakhtun are naturally cut out for brutal life under the Taliban."The NWFP government had an agreement with groups of the Taliban in the NWFP. According to the agreement the arrested Taliban militants for involvements in terrorist activities were to be released after a judicial procedure. Later some Taliban leaders argued that they do not believe in the law of Pakistan and insisted the arrested Taliban must be released without any judicial procedure under the law. The government refused, and this put the agreement in trouble.The Pakhtun are sick and tired of this dialogue and the so-called peace agreements with the Taliban. They want the Taliban brought by force under Pakistani law. As a Pakhtun I understand the outsiders, whether ignorant or insensitive, do not understand and respect this law.The writer is a research fellow at the Centre for Interdisciplinary Gender Research, University of Oslo and a member of Aryana Institute for Regional Research and Advocacy.
Wednesday, January 21, 2009
Sunday, January 18, 2009
Baitullah thinks that Israel is a girl school of Swat.
Baitullah threatens suicide attacks against Israel
Sunday, January 18, 2009
Bureau report
PESHAWAR: Condemning Israeli attacks against the Palestinian people, the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) head Baitullah Mahsud claimed Saturday that his suicide bombers were ready to strike at Israel anywhere in the world.
According to the BBC Urdu Service, he gave a telephonic interview to it from somewhere in South Waziristan to record his views on the Israeli aggression against Gaza. When told that Israel was far away for him to strike, he said that his ‘fidayeen’ could strike anywhere in the world with the help of the lone superpower, Allah. “If I am alive, I will avenge the Israeli atrocities against the Palestinian Muslims not in one or two months but in several years,” he remarked.
Baitullah pledged to teach a lesson to Israel if it didn’t stop its attacks in Palestine.
Baitullah Mahsud, in the same interview, claimed that the spy network built by the US in South Waziristan had largely been neutralised to prevent drone attacks. He insisted that the missile attacks were being coordinated by the secret agencies of the US, Pakistan and Afghanistan.
The TTP leader also warned Afghan President Hamid Karzai that he would not be able to escape Taliban revenge.
Baitullah thinks that Israel is a girl school of Swat.
Sunday, January 18, 2009
Bureau report
PESHAWAR: Condemning Israeli attacks against the Palestinian people, the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) head Baitullah Mahsud claimed Saturday that his suicide bombers were ready to strike at Israel anywhere in the world.
According to the BBC Urdu Service, he gave a telephonic interview to it from somewhere in South Waziristan to record his views on the Israeli aggression against Gaza. When told that Israel was far away for him to strike, he said that his ‘fidayeen’ could strike anywhere in the world with the help of the lone superpower, Allah. “If I am alive, I will avenge the Israeli atrocities against the Palestinian Muslims not in one or two months but in several years,” he remarked.
Baitullah pledged to teach a lesson to Israel if it didn’t stop its attacks in Palestine.
Baitullah Mahsud, in the same interview, claimed that the spy network built by the US in South Waziristan had largely been neutralised to prevent drone attacks. He insisted that the missile attacks were being coordinated by the secret agencies of the US, Pakistan and Afghanistan.
The TTP leader also warned Afghan President Hamid Karzai that he would not be able to escape Taliban revenge.
Baitullah thinks that Israel is a girl school of Swat.
Saturday, January 17, 2009
PETITION
PETITION
Please Rise to the occasion and raise your voice
Militants in Swat have threatened to blow up all female schools if they are not closed by January 15, 2009 which will plunge 119248 girl students into the darkness of ignorance and render 3425 women teachers jobless. There has also been slaughtering, beheadings and extortion in the name of Islam in FATA and NWFP for the last several years. The majority of people feel besieged and thus clueless and abandoned. The threat is based on completely misguided interpretation of Islam. It is based on many implicit assumptions:
1. Sending girls to schools is against the teachings of Shariat.
2. It is also against pakhtoon code of honor
3. People who hold this view have the right to stop families sending their daughetrs to school
4. Use of violence to enforce their views is morally, legally and religiously justified
5. Fellow Muslim citizens, police and military personnel, lawmakers, law enforcement agencies, politicians and public opinion makers should support their views because they reflect the true spirit of Islam.
Closing down the schools will deprive thousands of families in the once educated and civilized society of Swat of dignity, honor and peace of mind.
We the citizens of Swat and other areas of Pakistan want to find out if our religious, political leaders, scholars, heads of political parties, public opinion makers, jurists and lawmakers are not duty bound to:
1. Clearly state their position on use of violence against violation of basic legal rights of female students in Swat.
2. Support the vulnerable, hurt and unjustly treated and innocent female students
3. Use all political, social and legal means to protect the rights of women who have been wronged without any reason.
4. Hold debate on this issue on the floor of parliament in the media and public domain to educate the public opinion.
5. Take all necessary measures to prevent Pakistan from sliding into state of complete chaos, lawlessness and anarchy.
Please Rise to the occasion and raise your voice
Militants in Swat have threatened to blow up all female schools if they are not closed by January 15, 2009 which will plunge 119248 girl students into the darkness of ignorance and render 3425 women teachers jobless. There has also been slaughtering, beheadings and extortion in the name of Islam in FATA and NWFP for the last several years. The majority of people feel besieged and thus clueless and abandoned. The threat is based on completely misguided interpretation of Islam. It is based on many implicit assumptions:
1. Sending girls to schools is against the teachings of Shariat.
2. It is also against pakhtoon code of honor
3. People who hold this view have the right to stop families sending their daughetrs to school
4. Use of violence to enforce their views is morally, legally and religiously justified
5. Fellow Muslim citizens, police and military personnel, lawmakers, law enforcement agencies, politicians and public opinion makers should support their views because they reflect the true spirit of Islam.
Closing down the schools will deprive thousands of families in the once educated and civilized society of Swat of dignity, honor and peace of mind.
We the citizens of Swat and other areas of Pakistan want to find out if our religious, political leaders, scholars, heads of political parties, public opinion makers, jurists and lawmakers are not duty bound to:
1. Clearly state their position on use of violence against violation of basic legal rights of female students in Swat.
2. Support the vulnerable, hurt and unjustly treated and innocent female students
3. Use all political, social and legal means to protect the rights of women who have been wronged without any reason.
4. Hold debate on this issue on the floor of parliament in the media and public domain to educate the public opinion.
5. Take all necessary measures to prevent Pakistan from sliding into state of complete chaos, lawlessness and anarchy.
Thursday, January 15, 2009
What afzal Khan Lala saying
Pakistan, India and Afghanistan are busy in a destructive game
Muhammad Afzal Khan Lala
At the advent of 21st century intellectuals the world over predicted that the new millennium will usher in peace, human rights and dignity of man. Mankind will show tolerance, endurance and
maturity. The man of this planet who has conquered space will be a messenger of peace to other planets. But unfortunately this century began with such chaos, wars, religious and sectarian extremism, violence, brutality, suicide bombing, and destruction that it rather disgraced humanity. There seems no end to this phony, aimless reign of terrorism.
Life has become difficult for everyone. On the one hand the civilized nations claim to conquer space and universe but their war mania has made the world a living hell for human race. The new world is like a global village. Instead of
Love, brotherhood and harmony among the nations it has segregated and distanced the nations, waging wars, creating disturbances and bringing destruction. History testifies that war cannot bring peace. The use of brutal force cannot win over nations. Human hearts and minds are won by love and persuasion. The clouds of war have endangered the human species. The sea pirates hijack ships for million dollars ransom. Kidnapping for ransom in our region has reached its climax and no one is safe in their homes and even the heavily guarded are more at risk and vulnerable. Terror reigns supreme. The close examination of these events of blood shed, terrorism and turmoil has badly affected the three neighborly countries- Pakistan, India and Afghanistan. Uncertainty is the order of the day in all the three countries. The unfortunate part of this phenomenon is that our think tanks think that these conditions are self created.
First think over it that India has never accepted the division of sub-continent since inception and is aspiring for a united India “Akand Bharat”.
The all rightwing Islamist extremists and hawkish elements in Pakistan are determined to hoist green ‘flag’ on Lal Qila. The entire world voted for Pakistan in U.N for membership except Afghanistan, Evidently they have not accepted Pakistan and Pakistan is bent upon to conquer Afghanistan under the garb of strategic depth. I wonder how they will conquer it and achieve!!??
These experienced wizards don’t think for a moment that after Independence of Pakistan and India both the governments supported secularism. Extremism, violence, sectarianism and religious divide were almost non-existent. Gandhi ji , the follower of non-violence was assassinated by a biased Hindu with the support of Muslims. In Liaqat Ali Khan’s Govt. In Pakistan Sir Zafrullah Khan a renowned Qadiani was minister for Foreign Affairs and Jagirdar Lal Mandal , a Hindu of the lowest caste(Dalit )was holding the portfolio of Law Ministry.
Analyzing the religious fanaticism and hatred in the aforementioned perspective on both sides one is busy in establishing a Hindu hegemony “Akhand Bhart” in the region and the other is obsessed with the holy idea of hoisting the green crescent flag over the red fort( Lal Qila), resultantly the secular forces were being marginalized.
India still claims to be a secular state but the Hindu religious extremist leaders dominated and eclipsed the secular policy. On the eve of partition and creation of Pakistan, religious parties of undivided India and their veteran leaders were opposed to the creation of Pakistan. Even after partition, some of the religious parties sarcastically castigated Pakistan (Land of the pure) as “Na-Pakistan” (Land of the un-pure).
The successors of these religious parties who ridiculed Pakistan as “Na -Pakistan” (Land of the ‘un-pure’) and used derogatory language against Mohammad Ali ‘Jinnah’ are now the heirs more explicitly the MAMAS (Uncles) of Pakistan insisting shamelessly that Islam is the basis of Pakistan. One wonders if their leaders were wrong. Were they against Islam!!??
Today both the nuclear powers have billions of rupees defense budget and to defeat one another are always in warlike condition. Both of them are impediments in the way of their people’s welfare due to heavy defense spending. Religious extremism dominates both the countries and disrupting peace plans. Yesterday the extremist religious forces opposed Pakistan but today they are the ‘saviors’. But the question arises who waged this war? And who is inflaming this fire?
Europe has fought hundred years’ wars for liberation of its people from the clutches of the church and feudalism.
Today for the sake of a bright future they have a single currency. They have national boundaries on papers but there is a complete freedom of movement of the people, trade and commerce in Europe. We need visa and permit to visit our brother Islamic countries.
We are notorious for intolerance towards our neighbors. Accusing each other of conspiracies while suspicions are the corner stones of our foreign policy. Economy is shattered in Pakistan and particularly in Pakhtunkhawa. The Gateway towards central Asia for international trade is closed. The worsening law and order situations and fragile economy have led to capital flight. Investors in Hayatabad “Industrial state” are compelled to shift their business from Peshawar.
What to say of the sad story of capturing international market, our inter- provincial trade is discriminatory that in Punjab the quality, quantity and price are different. If someone purchases flour at cheaper rate in Punjab for his home, the Punjab police do not allow it. The resources of Pukhtunkhwa are freely exploited by Punjab without hindrance e.g., hundreds of tucks of precious marble are daily moving towards Punjab. This is a lengthy and separate issue which I keep aside for the present. My immediate concern is to deliberate upon the prevailing differences and armed conflicts among the three neighbors. All the three are equally at fault and are faced with identical problems like Suicide, bombing, terrorists insurgency, remote control blasts etc. If we look at the terrorists activities and the relations of these three countries, they should jointly expose and stop these hidden’ hands. Although all the three countries proclaim to be allies in the ‘war on terror’ in their heads of the states meetings, parleys but in practice it is not so. All the three suspect each other. This mysterious and doubtful attitude has made the task of the terrorists easier. It is very easy for the anti-human forces to engage these three neighboring countries in permanent hostility to maximize their socio-economic crisis and thus attain maximum benefits out of this volatile situation.
I have pointed out on a number of occasions and again reiterate my stance that peace in this region without peace in Afghanistan is impossible. This viewpoint is now crystal clear because this region has turned into a battlefield of the superpowers. If somebody eyes Afghanistan through its atomic prisms aspiring to rule it as a ‘client state’ that will be a ‘strategic death’ for them. Interference of one country into the internal affairs of another country is against the basic charter of the United Nations and the policy of armed interference in Afghan affairs has affected the people of these three countries, destroying its commerce, trade and society and this is a continuous process.
What the extremists forces are doing today here and who created them and against whom – who supply them arms and ammunition and who finance them? Who pay them salaries as a regular army? This whole investment is made by these countries against one another and thus feed the snakes. These insurgencies are undesirable.
Notwithstanding the three governments’ differences, if the enlightened humanist and progressive and secular forces are consulted, they will support peace efforts for the better future of the people of this region.
I as a Pakhtun nationalist finally believe that if internally the oppressed nations are given autonomy and externally the Pakistan, Afghanistan and India foil conspiracies and formulate a joint strategy to root out terrorism, peace can be restored.
I firmly claim that this is not a matter of years but days to resolve this issue if there is a will to do it. The fish cannot survive without water – same is true about the terrorists and extremists. If their funding is stopped and the three neighbors evolve a joint mechanism to combat terrorism, there is no justification for war. The accusations and suspicions will cease and as Europe and America have succeeded in the dominating the global economy, market, Asia will be second to none.
At the end, I appeal the nations of the world to help us in restoration of peace for the betterment of mankind. I especially appeal all Pukhtoon Afghans to stop this aimless war as this region needs peace more than any one!!
(This essay was written in Pashto language by Khan lala and translated by Akhtar Muneer Bacha, Zar ali musazai and Idrees Kamal)
Muhammad Afzal Khan Lala
At the advent of 21st century intellectuals the world over predicted that the new millennium will usher in peace, human rights and dignity of man. Mankind will show tolerance, endurance and
maturity. The man of this planet who has conquered space will be a messenger of peace to other planets. But unfortunately this century began with such chaos, wars, religious and sectarian extremism, violence, brutality, suicide bombing, and destruction that it rather disgraced humanity. There seems no end to this phony, aimless reign of terrorism.
Life has become difficult for everyone. On the one hand the civilized nations claim to conquer space and universe but their war mania has made the world a living hell for human race. The new world is like a global village. Instead of
Love, brotherhood and harmony among the nations it has segregated and distanced the nations, waging wars, creating disturbances and bringing destruction. History testifies that war cannot bring peace. The use of brutal force cannot win over nations. Human hearts and minds are won by love and persuasion. The clouds of war have endangered the human species. The sea pirates hijack ships for million dollars ransom. Kidnapping for ransom in our region has reached its climax and no one is safe in their homes and even the heavily guarded are more at risk and vulnerable. Terror reigns supreme. The close examination of these events of blood shed, terrorism and turmoil has badly affected the three neighborly countries- Pakistan, India and Afghanistan. Uncertainty is the order of the day in all the three countries. The unfortunate part of this phenomenon is that our think tanks think that these conditions are self created.
First think over it that India has never accepted the division of sub-continent since inception and is aspiring for a united India “Akand Bharat”.
The all rightwing Islamist extremists and hawkish elements in Pakistan are determined to hoist green ‘flag’ on Lal Qila. The entire world voted for Pakistan in U.N for membership except Afghanistan, Evidently they have not accepted Pakistan and Pakistan is bent upon to conquer Afghanistan under the garb of strategic depth. I wonder how they will conquer it and achieve!!??
These experienced wizards don’t think for a moment that after Independence of Pakistan and India both the governments supported secularism. Extremism, violence, sectarianism and religious divide were almost non-existent. Gandhi ji , the follower of non-violence was assassinated by a biased Hindu with the support of Muslims. In Liaqat Ali Khan’s Govt. In Pakistan Sir Zafrullah Khan a renowned Qadiani was minister for Foreign Affairs and Jagirdar Lal Mandal , a Hindu of the lowest caste(Dalit )was holding the portfolio of Law Ministry.
Analyzing the religious fanaticism and hatred in the aforementioned perspective on both sides one is busy in establishing a Hindu hegemony “Akhand Bhart” in the region and the other is obsessed with the holy idea of hoisting the green crescent flag over the red fort( Lal Qila), resultantly the secular forces were being marginalized.
India still claims to be a secular state but the Hindu religious extremist leaders dominated and eclipsed the secular policy. On the eve of partition and creation of Pakistan, religious parties of undivided India and their veteran leaders were opposed to the creation of Pakistan. Even after partition, some of the religious parties sarcastically castigated Pakistan (Land of the pure) as “Na-Pakistan” (Land of the un-pure).
The successors of these religious parties who ridiculed Pakistan as “Na -Pakistan” (Land of the ‘un-pure’) and used derogatory language against Mohammad Ali ‘Jinnah’ are now the heirs more explicitly the MAMAS (Uncles) of Pakistan insisting shamelessly that Islam is the basis of Pakistan. One wonders if their leaders were wrong. Were they against Islam!!??
Today both the nuclear powers have billions of rupees defense budget and to defeat one another are always in warlike condition. Both of them are impediments in the way of their people’s welfare due to heavy defense spending. Religious extremism dominates both the countries and disrupting peace plans. Yesterday the extremist religious forces opposed Pakistan but today they are the ‘saviors’. But the question arises who waged this war? And who is inflaming this fire?
Europe has fought hundred years’ wars for liberation of its people from the clutches of the church and feudalism.
Today for the sake of a bright future they have a single currency. They have national boundaries on papers but there is a complete freedom of movement of the people, trade and commerce in Europe. We need visa and permit to visit our brother Islamic countries.
We are notorious for intolerance towards our neighbors. Accusing each other of conspiracies while suspicions are the corner stones of our foreign policy. Economy is shattered in Pakistan and particularly in Pakhtunkhawa. The Gateway towards central Asia for international trade is closed. The worsening law and order situations and fragile economy have led to capital flight. Investors in Hayatabad “Industrial state” are compelled to shift their business from Peshawar.
What to say of the sad story of capturing international market, our inter- provincial trade is discriminatory that in Punjab the quality, quantity and price are different. If someone purchases flour at cheaper rate in Punjab for his home, the Punjab police do not allow it. The resources of Pukhtunkhwa are freely exploited by Punjab without hindrance e.g., hundreds of tucks of precious marble are daily moving towards Punjab. This is a lengthy and separate issue which I keep aside for the present. My immediate concern is to deliberate upon the prevailing differences and armed conflicts among the three neighbors. All the three are equally at fault and are faced with identical problems like Suicide, bombing, terrorists insurgency, remote control blasts etc. If we look at the terrorists activities and the relations of these three countries, they should jointly expose and stop these hidden’ hands. Although all the three countries proclaim to be allies in the ‘war on terror’ in their heads of the states meetings, parleys but in practice it is not so. All the three suspect each other. This mysterious and doubtful attitude has made the task of the terrorists easier. It is very easy for the anti-human forces to engage these three neighboring countries in permanent hostility to maximize their socio-economic crisis and thus attain maximum benefits out of this volatile situation.
I have pointed out on a number of occasions and again reiterate my stance that peace in this region without peace in Afghanistan is impossible. This viewpoint is now crystal clear because this region has turned into a battlefield of the superpowers. If somebody eyes Afghanistan through its atomic prisms aspiring to rule it as a ‘client state’ that will be a ‘strategic death’ for them. Interference of one country into the internal affairs of another country is against the basic charter of the United Nations and the policy of armed interference in Afghan affairs has affected the people of these three countries, destroying its commerce, trade and society and this is a continuous process.
What the extremists forces are doing today here and who created them and against whom – who supply them arms and ammunition and who finance them? Who pay them salaries as a regular army? This whole investment is made by these countries against one another and thus feed the snakes. These insurgencies are undesirable.
Notwithstanding the three governments’ differences, if the enlightened humanist and progressive and secular forces are consulted, they will support peace efforts for the better future of the people of this region.
I as a Pakhtun nationalist finally believe that if internally the oppressed nations are given autonomy and externally the Pakistan, Afghanistan and India foil conspiracies and formulate a joint strategy to root out terrorism, peace can be restored.
I firmly claim that this is not a matter of years but days to resolve this issue if there is a will to do it. The fish cannot survive without water – same is true about the terrorists and extremists. If their funding is stopped and the three neighbors evolve a joint mechanism to combat terrorism, there is no justification for war. The accusations and suspicions will cease and as Europe and America have succeeded in the dominating the global economy, market, Asia will be second to none.
At the end, I appeal the nations of the world to help us in restoration of peace for the betterment of mankind. I especially appeal all Pukhtoon Afghans to stop this aimless war as this region needs peace more than any one!!
(This essay was written in Pashto language by Khan lala and translated by Akhtar Muneer Bacha, Zar ali musazai and Idrees Kamal)
The Pakhtun, the Taliban and ignorant outsiders
The Pakhtun, the Taliban and ignorant outsiders
The News, January 15, 2009
Farhat Taj
The Pakhtun are caught up in one of the most difficult times of their history. The Taliban are aggressively attacking their lives, livelihoods, culture and history. Pakistan army, the defender of the frontiers of Pakistan, including the Pakhtun areas, is failing to protect them against the atrocities of the Taliban. Some influential outsiders continue to depict in media that the Pakhtun and Taliban are one and the same people. The outsiders have almost no or at best a superficial knowledge of the history and culture of the Pakhtun. Most of them never even care to come to the Pakhtun areas to see the realities of the people with their own eyes and still they believe themselves to be authorities on the Pakhtun. They seem to take pride in their ignorance about the Pakhtun. They do not even care to check the bases of their arguments in media discussions against the culture, history and current realities of the Pakhtun.
One such outsider is Dr AQ Khan who expresses views on Pakhtun that have nothing to do with their current realities, culture and history. An example of this is his article 'Grassroot Causes' in your newspaper dated 24 December 2008.
Dr AQ Khan portrays the Pakhtun and the Taliban as one and the same people. Actually the Pakhtun and the Taliban are not the same people. The Pakhtun belong to the areas that are presently known as NWFP, FATA, parts of Baluchistan and southern and eastern parts of Afghanistan. They are culturally, historically and geographically a homogeneous group of people. The Taliban are culturally, historically and geographically a diverse mix of different ethnic groups-the Pakhtun, Punjabis, Uzbeks, Tajiks, Arabs, Africans and even Europeans, both ethnic and Muslim immigrants. They have established bases in the Pakhtun areas because they (and their predecessors, the Mujaheedin) have been facilitated by the intelligence agencies of Pakistan to do so. The Taliban generate their revenue by relentlessly kidnapping affluent Pakhtun for ransom. They have imposed a savage social order, completely different from the Pakhtun social order, in the areas that Pakistan army have surrendered to them, i.e. several parts of the tribal areas and some parts of NWFP, including the beautiful valley of Swat. Many Pakhtun also believe that various groups of the Taliban are funded by the intelligence agency of Pakistan, i.e. the ISI and foreign agencies, like the Indian RAW, the American CIA, etc.
Dr AQ Khan advocates a dialogue with the Taliban to bring peace in the Pakhtun areas of Pakistan. A dialogue can only be successful if it stands on mutually respected ground between the two parties. In this case the common ground can be the law of Pakistan, the Code of Pakhtunwali and Islam. The Taliban respect neither of the three.
The Taliban have no respect for the law of Pakistan. There is abundant proof of it in their attacks on the security forces, destruction of infrastructure including bridges, hospitals and education institutions etc. Some of my friends who have had face to face discussions with foot soldiers of the Taliban informed that the Taliban do not accept the authority of the law of Pakistan. The Taliban have no respect for the code of Pakhtunwali. The most revered institution under the code is jirga. Even the mighty empires that the Pakhtun resisted- the Muslim Mughal Empire and the non Muslim British Empire did not violate the respect of jirga- I do not know of any attacks on jirga that were carried out by the Mughals and the British. The Taliban have repeatedly bombed jirgas all across NWFP and FATA. The code of Pakhtunwali dictates that there shall be no attacks on women and children. The Taliban have repeatedly violated the dictate by brutally killing women and children. The Taliban have violated the respected norms of Islam. Islam never justifies any disrespect of dead bodies. The Taliban takes pride in their humiliation of dead bodies. Islam orders every Muslim man and woman to get education. The Taliban forbid education for both girls and boys. In Islam there is no compulsion in religion. The Taliban imposed their version of the religion through terror and violence. How can there be a dialogue in such conditions with the Taliban. It is perhaps due to the lack of mutually respected grounds that almost all agreements between the Taliban and the Pakistan army fell apart.
Does Dr Khan know that Taliban are preventing the Pakhtun, in the areas that have been surrendered by Pakistan army, from integration into the state system? There are many examples of this. The latest example happened in North Waziristan where the Taliban recently stopped women from making Computerized National Identity Cards, CNIDC, with NADRA. The women had wished to enroll themselves in Benazir Income Support Program. As a precondition for the enrollment, they have to have CNIDC.
People of FATA had always seen the most oppressive and cruel face of the state of Pakistan. It happens rarely that they see the benevolent face of the state. They always happily welcome this face of the state. The Benazir Income Support Program is one of the rare opportunities to see the benevolent faces of the state. Many women in Waziristan welcome it. The enlargement of the Benazir Income Support Program to North Waziristan also shows that the state has some wish to integrate the tribal people into the its system. The local Taliban in Waziristan are preventing this integration. Those Taliban have signed a peace agreement with Pakistan army almost two years ago.
People in Waziristan and the Pakhtun in general want the Pakistan army to make the contents of their agreement with Taliban open to public. They want to know whether the agreement contain the condition that the Taliban will be free to prevent poor people of Waziristan from getting lawful benefits from state sponsored programs like the Benazir Income Support Program. If the agreement does not contain any such conditions, would Pakistan army care to tell the people of Pakistan why are the Taliban preventing the poor women of Waziristan from integration into the state system? Is there any one in Pakistan-in the government, media and the military establishment- to explain why are the Taliban stopping women from making national ID cards and what is being done to halt highhandedness of the Taliban? Would Dr. AQ Khan, a supporter of the Taliban, care to ask the Taliban, on behalf of the poor Pakhtun women, why have the women been deprived from making national ID cards and getting some financial benefits from the state?
Dr AQ Khan wrote: 'If we allow them (America) to enter our country/tribal areas, they will bribe/buy some traitors with green cards and greenbacks'.
The Americans do not need to offer green cards, green dollars or other kinds of bribes to the Pakhtun. Both Taliban and Pakistan army have created catastrophic conditions in terms of human rights. This may soon force the Pakhtun to be open to help from any where in order to survive. Thus tens of people of Swat told me they pray after every namaz for the US drones to fall on the headquarters of the Swat Taliban. 'Because Pakistan army has failed to eliminate the Swat Taliban, we would be happy if the American send their drones to do the job', many Swatis told me. Contrary to the wide spread believe in the wider Pakistani society, many people of Waziristan are satisfied with the US drone attacks on the militants in Waziristan. Both the Swatis and the people of Waziristan have one regret though: the American are doing the 'duty' (target killing of the militants) of Pakistan army. They said they would love to see Pakistan army eliminate the militants in precisely targeted operations. Pakistan army, they said, has so far proved to be unwilling or unable to decisively deal with the Taliban. The Taliban have created 'hell like conditions' in the words of a man, in the areas surrendered by Pakistan army to them. The terrorized Pakhtun of the areas have increasingly begun to look in their prayers towards anyone, the Americans or the devils, as one woman put it for help.
Dr AQ Khan has a right to support anyone he likes, even the Taliban, the murderers of the Pakhtun. However, as a Pakhtun I believe he has no right to float pro-Taliban suggestions that depict complete disrespect to the sensitivities of the Pakhtun, terrorized and traumatized, in the words of many tribesman and women, by the aggressive Taliban and passive Pakistan army.
The writer is a research fellow at the Centre for Interdisciplinary Gender Research, University of Oslo. Email: bergen34@yahoo.com
The News, January 15, 2009
Farhat Taj
The Pakhtun are caught up in one of the most difficult times of their history. The Taliban are aggressively attacking their lives, livelihoods, culture and history. Pakistan army, the defender of the frontiers of Pakistan, including the Pakhtun areas, is failing to protect them against the atrocities of the Taliban. Some influential outsiders continue to depict in media that the Pakhtun and Taliban are one and the same people. The outsiders have almost no or at best a superficial knowledge of the history and culture of the Pakhtun. Most of them never even care to come to the Pakhtun areas to see the realities of the people with their own eyes and still they believe themselves to be authorities on the Pakhtun. They seem to take pride in their ignorance about the Pakhtun. They do not even care to check the bases of their arguments in media discussions against the culture, history and current realities of the Pakhtun.
One such outsider is Dr AQ Khan who expresses views on Pakhtun that have nothing to do with their current realities, culture and history. An example of this is his article 'Grassroot Causes' in your newspaper dated 24 December 2008.
Dr AQ Khan portrays the Pakhtun and the Taliban as one and the same people. Actually the Pakhtun and the Taliban are not the same people. The Pakhtun belong to the areas that are presently known as NWFP, FATA, parts of Baluchistan and southern and eastern parts of Afghanistan. They are culturally, historically and geographically a homogeneous group of people. The Taliban are culturally, historically and geographically a diverse mix of different ethnic groups-the Pakhtun, Punjabis, Uzbeks, Tajiks, Arabs, Africans and even Europeans, both ethnic and Muslim immigrants. They have established bases in the Pakhtun areas because they (and their predecessors, the Mujaheedin) have been facilitated by the intelligence agencies of Pakistan to do so. The Taliban generate their revenue by relentlessly kidnapping affluent Pakhtun for ransom. They have imposed a savage social order, completely different from the Pakhtun social order, in the areas that Pakistan army have surrendered to them, i.e. several parts of the tribal areas and some parts of NWFP, including the beautiful valley of Swat. Many Pakhtun also believe that various groups of the Taliban are funded by the intelligence agency of Pakistan, i.e. the ISI and foreign agencies, like the Indian RAW, the American CIA, etc.
Dr AQ Khan advocates a dialogue with the Taliban to bring peace in the Pakhtun areas of Pakistan. A dialogue can only be successful if it stands on mutually respected ground between the two parties. In this case the common ground can be the law of Pakistan, the Code of Pakhtunwali and Islam. The Taliban respect neither of the three.
The Taliban have no respect for the law of Pakistan. There is abundant proof of it in their attacks on the security forces, destruction of infrastructure including bridges, hospitals and education institutions etc. Some of my friends who have had face to face discussions with foot soldiers of the Taliban informed that the Taliban do not accept the authority of the law of Pakistan. The Taliban have no respect for the code of Pakhtunwali. The most revered institution under the code is jirga. Even the mighty empires that the Pakhtun resisted- the Muslim Mughal Empire and the non Muslim British Empire did not violate the respect of jirga- I do not know of any attacks on jirga that were carried out by the Mughals and the British. The Taliban have repeatedly bombed jirgas all across NWFP and FATA. The code of Pakhtunwali dictates that there shall be no attacks on women and children. The Taliban have repeatedly violated the dictate by brutally killing women and children. The Taliban have violated the respected norms of Islam. Islam never justifies any disrespect of dead bodies. The Taliban takes pride in their humiliation of dead bodies. Islam orders every Muslim man and woman to get education. The Taliban forbid education for both girls and boys. In Islam there is no compulsion in religion. The Taliban imposed their version of the religion through terror and violence. How can there be a dialogue in such conditions with the Taliban. It is perhaps due to the lack of mutually respected grounds that almost all agreements between the Taliban and the Pakistan army fell apart.
Does Dr Khan know that Taliban are preventing the Pakhtun, in the areas that have been surrendered by Pakistan army, from integration into the state system? There are many examples of this. The latest example happened in North Waziristan where the Taliban recently stopped women from making Computerized National Identity Cards, CNIDC, with NADRA. The women had wished to enroll themselves in Benazir Income Support Program. As a precondition for the enrollment, they have to have CNIDC.
People of FATA had always seen the most oppressive and cruel face of the state of Pakistan. It happens rarely that they see the benevolent face of the state. They always happily welcome this face of the state. The Benazir Income Support Program is one of the rare opportunities to see the benevolent faces of the state. Many women in Waziristan welcome it. The enlargement of the Benazir Income Support Program to North Waziristan also shows that the state has some wish to integrate the tribal people into the its system. The local Taliban in Waziristan are preventing this integration. Those Taliban have signed a peace agreement with Pakistan army almost two years ago.
People in Waziristan and the Pakhtun in general want the Pakistan army to make the contents of their agreement with Taliban open to public. They want to know whether the agreement contain the condition that the Taliban will be free to prevent poor people of Waziristan from getting lawful benefits from state sponsored programs like the Benazir Income Support Program. If the agreement does not contain any such conditions, would Pakistan army care to tell the people of Pakistan why are the Taliban preventing the poor women of Waziristan from integration into the state system? Is there any one in Pakistan-in the government, media and the military establishment- to explain why are the Taliban stopping women from making national ID cards and what is being done to halt highhandedness of the Taliban? Would Dr. AQ Khan, a supporter of the Taliban, care to ask the Taliban, on behalf of the poor Pakhtun women, why have the women been deprived from making national ID cards and getting some financial benefits from the state?
Dr AQ Khan wrote: 'If we allow them (America) to enter our country/tribal areas, they will bribe/buy some traitors with green cards and greenbacks'.
The Americans do not need to offer green cards, green dollars or other kinds of bribes to the Pakhtun. Both Taliban and Pakistan army have created catastrophic conditions in terms of human rights. This may soon force the Pakhtun to be open to help from any where in order to survive. Thus tens of people of Swat told me they pray after every namaz for the US drones to fall on the headquarters of the Swat Taliban. 'Because Pakistan army has failed to eliminate the Swat Taliban, we would be happy if the American send their drones to do the job', many Swatis told me. Contrary to the wide spread believe in the wider Pakistani society, many people of Waziristan are satisfied with the US drone attacks on the militants in Waziristan. Both the Swatis and the people of Waziristan have one regret though: the American are doing the 'duty' (target killing of the militants) of Pakistan army. They said they would love to see Pakistan army eliminate the militants in precisely targeted operations. Pakistan army, they said, has so far proved to be unwilling or unable to decisively deal with the Taliban. The Taliban have created 'hell like conditions' in the words of a man, in the areas surrendered by Pakistan army to them. The terrorized Pakhtun of the areas have increasingly begun to look in their prayers towards anyone, the Americans or the devils, as one woman put it for help.
Dr AQ Khan has a right to support anyone he likes, even the Taliban, the murderers of the Pakhtun. However, as a Pakhtun I believe he has no right to float pro-Taliban suggestions that depict complete disrespect to the sensitivities of the Pakhtun, terrorized and traumatized, in the words of many tribesman and women, by the aggressive Taliban and passive Pakistan army.
The writer is a research fellow at the Centre for Interdisciplinary Gender Research, University of Oslo. Email: bergen34@yahoo.com
Wednesday, January 14, 2009
Swat's burning questions
Swat's burning questions
The News, January 14, 2009
Nasim Zehra
In Swat terror and fear are spreading. Government employees, including policemen, teachers and LHVs, walk around with resignations in their hands. In case they are accosted by armed militants opposed to the government and to women working they can produce these resignations to avoid being kidnapped, killed or punished. To avoid becoming targets of militants' wrath the LHVs are announcing through advertisements in local newspapers like Azadi that they have resigned.
People are terrorised. In addition to occasional high-profile political killings, in about the last three weeks targeted killings have also begun. The militants are killing people, slitting their heads and then keep their heads on their bodies and order that no one remove the bodies before midday. Policemen, social activists, ordinary citizens, political people and citizens have been killed.
Even in Mingora city people at work lock their doors.
Terrorised by the deteriorating security conditions at least 200,000 of Swat's 1.7 million population have left Swat. The local influentials who can financially and socially afford the exit option have exited. Major political families from Swat, including that of an ANP provincial minister from Matta, the Nazim of Swat's family and families of most ANP and PML-Q elected representatives. Union council ward level officeholders are giving in their resignations.
The civil administration, even in urban Swat, including Mingora, Kuzabandi, Imamdheri, Chaharbagh, Barikot and Saidu Sharif, is non-existent.
Curfew is imposed on Swat between 10 p.m. and 6 a.m. From 11 a.m. to 4 p.m., the army and whatever is left of the police, is present in the city. At sundown for fear of travelling in the dark people begin heading home. Even in the army's presence people are scared. Journalists operate in total fear. According to one: "I have fear that if I talk to anyone it may go to the militants."
Burning of schools was unheard of in Swat and over 200 have been torched. The main source of livelihood for the locals, hotel and tourism, is at a complete standstill, if not almost destroyed.
In this acutely volatile and deteriorating security situation people's mobility is greatly restricted. Main bridges and main roads are either closed down or with excessive security checking vehicles' movement takes place at snail's pace. People complain that check posts are set up merely add to people's inconvenience without ever nabbing any militants.
Movement to Mingora from Matta and Khawaza khela is impossibly tedious. Similarly, movement on the Sangota side from Shangal to Khawaza Khela and from Mingora to Kalam valley has also become very difficult, especially after the suicide bombing.
The question that most residents of Swat may well ask is what, after all, has the army's presence done for the security of the locals? Despite the army's presence the situation has deteriorated. The army maintains the ANP's post-election accord with the militants gave them time to regroup and re-strengthen themselves.
The ANP also maintains the negotiations did not succeed because the army did not let the ANP honour the agreements in the accord. For example, release of militants. The army was dead against release of "criminals." The ANP recalls release of militants by the army to secure release of its own soldiers captured by militants in Waziristan. The army leadership also cynically questioned how those who were killing civilians would help the civilian administration "uphold the writ of the State."
The ANP believes, and perhaps correctly, that as a political force it had to give dialogue a chance. However, that dialogue has not yielded peace. The Army and ANP's inability to devise a unified approach towards dialogue must have contributed to the strengthening of the militants. Meanwhile, the non-political locals, including social activists, media personnel and influentials who were mindful of their own experiences, were complaining since the beginning of 2008 that the militants have an agenda which they will not give up as part of any peace deal with the ANP. They wanted closure of schools, women being kept away from any public space including schools. Throughout 2008 many complained the militants strengthened themselves. Weapons gathering by the militants was unstoppable, as was their free movement in and around and to and from Swat. In Swat people kept complaining that weapons were flowing into the city, but no one stopped the flow.
They complain the ANP never understood the nature of the problem while the army never went after them but in a half-hearted manner. Militants kept expanding influence, beyond Matta. Many complain that with two army check posts the militants moved freely between them.
Many argue that the army's strategy has never made sense to the locals because they have never managed to weaken the militants. For example, the army had people vacate Kuzabanday and Kabal. Then they bombarded their houses. There were minimal casualties and after the operation essentially the militants walked away, intact and undiminished. The population returned to the destroyed houses.
Some cynics complain the army is standing there and mostly protecting the militants. "When the army is there and the militants there too, but no action taken against the militants. What should we understand?" complained a resident from Swat now in Islamabad.
The army, many from Swat now in Peshawar complain, did not protect those who stood up against the Taliban. For example, a Khan near Peuchaar, who was opposed to the Taliban about two weeks ago. Five hundred Taliban surrounded his house. He and his son fought them through the night and then were finally killed. The calls to the army for help went unheard. The Army was stationed a couple of miles away.
Similarly there are other stories that the locals narrate. For example, about the Gujjars fighting the militants and the army, which was only 200-300 yards away, not protecting them. The army present told the Gujjars we have no orders so we cannot fight. Hence the Gujjar community opposed the militants and they were killed because the army provided them no protection and no support. Two or three weeks ago the local Peer was killed. He opposed the militants, and they killed him. After he was buried by his own people, the militants came and pulled his body out of the grave and hung it. The army was a few hundred yards away and calls were being made for help.
Public conjectures are endless and varied: the army has no will to go after the militants, the ANP is following the American line, the army and the militants are one, the army is trapping the ANP, the Police, the FC and the local citizens are being killed while the army is safe, if the army leaves the locals can make compromises with the militants and be in peace, the army is anyway scared of the militants; is it "scared" because it fears casualties, it does not understand the nature of the threat, etc.
Clearly the Pakistanis of Swat have zero faith in the institutions of their own country. Can we blame them?
The writer is an Islamabad-based security analyst. Email: nasimzehra@hotmail.com
The News, January 14, 2009
Nasim Zehra
In Swat terror and fear are spreading. Government employees, including policemen, teachers and LHVs, walk around with resignations in their hands. In case they are accosted by armed militants opposed to the government and to women working they can produce these resignations to avoid being kidnapped, killed or punished. To avoid becoming targets of militants' wrath the LHVs are announcing through advertisements in local newspapers like Azadi that they have resigned.
People are terrorised. In addition to occasional high-profile political killings, in about the last three weeks targeted killings have also begun. The militants are killing people, slitting their heads and then keep their heads on their bodies and order that no one remove the bodies before midday. Policemen, social activists, ordinary citizens, political people and citizens have been killed.
Even in Mingora city people at work lock their doors.
Terrorised by the deteriorating security conditions at least 200,000 of Swat's 1.7 million population have left Swat. The local influentials who can financially and socially afford the exit option have exited. Major political families from Swat, including that of an ANP provincial minister from Matta, the Nazim of Swat's family and families of most ANP and PML-Q elected representatives. Union council ward level officeholders are giving in their resignations.
The civil administration, even in urban Swat, including Mingora, Kuzabandi, Imamdheri, Chaharbagh, Barikot and Saidu Sharif, is non-existent.
Curfew is imposed on Swat between 10 p.m. and 6 a.m. From 11 a.m. to 4 p.m., the army and whatever is left of the police, is present in the city. At sundown for fear of travelling in the dark people begin heading home. Even in the army's presence people are scared. Journalists operate in total fear. According to one: "I have fear that if I talk to anyone it may go to the militants."
Burning of schools was unheard of in Swat and over 200 have been torched. The main source of livelihood for the locals, hotel and tourism, is at a complete standstill, if not almost destroyed.
In this acutely volatile and deteriorating security situation people's mobility is greatly restricted. Main bridges and main roads are either closed down or with excessive security checking vehicles' movement takes place at snail's pace. People complain that check posts are set up merely add to people's inconvenience without ever nabbing any militants.
Movement to Mingora from Matta and Khawaza khela is impossibly tedious. Similarly, movement on the Sangota side from Shangal to Khawaza Khela and from Mingora to Kalam valley has also become very difficult, especially after the suicide bombing.
The question that most residents of Swat may well ask is what, after all, has the army's presence done for the security of the locals? Despite the army's presence the situation has deteriorated. The army maintains the ANP's post-election accord with the militants gave them time to regroup and re-strengthen themselves.
The ANP also maintains the negotiations did not succeed because the army did not let the ANP honour the agreements in the accord. For example, release of militants. The army was dead against release of "criminals." The ANP recalls release of militants by the army to secure release of its own soldiers captured by militants in Waziristan. The army leadership also cynically questioned how those who were killing civilians would help the civilian administration "uphold the writ of the State."
The ANP believes, and perhaps correctly, that as a political force it had to give dialogue a chance. However, that dialogue has not yielded peace. The Army and ANP's inability to devise a unified approach towards dialogue must have contributed to the strengthening of the militants. Meanwhile, the non-political locals, including social activists, media personnel and influentials who were mindful of their own experiences, were complaining since the beginning of 2008 that the militants have an agenda which they will not give up as part of any peace deal with the ANP. They wanted closure of schools, women being kept away from any public space including schools. Throughout 2008 many complained the militants strengthened themselves. Weapons gathering by the militants was unstoppable, as was their free movement in and around and to and from Swat. In Swat people kept complaining that weapons were flowing into the city, but no one stopped the flow.
They complain the ANP never understood the nature of the problem while the army never went after them but in a half-hearted manner. Militants kept expanding influence, beyond Matta. Many complain that with two army check posts the militants moved freely between them.
Many argue that the army's strategy has never made sense to the locals because they have never managed to weaken the militants. For example, the army had people vacate Kuzabanday and Kabal. Then they bombarded their houses. There were minimal casualties and after the operation essentially the militants walked away, intact and undiminished. The population returned to the destroyed houses.
Some cynics complain the army is standing there and mostly protecting the militants. "When the army is there and the militants there too, but no action taken against the militants. What should we understand?" complained a resident from Swat now in Islamabad.
The army, many from Swat now in Peshawar complain, did not protect those who stood up against the Taliban. For example, a Khan near Peuchaar, who was opposed to the Taliban about two weeks ago. Five hundred Taliban surrounded his house. He and his son fought them through the night and then were finally killed. The calls to the army for help went unheard. The Army was stationed a couple of miles away.
Similarly there are other stories that the locals narrate. For example, about the Gujjars fighting the militants and the army, which was only 200-300 yards away, not protecting them. The army present told the Gujjars we have no orders so we cannot fight. Hence the Gujjar community opposed the militants and they were killed because the army provided them no protection and no support. Two or three weeks ago the local Peer was killed. He opposed the militants, and they killed him. After he was buried by his own people, the militants came and pulled his body out of the grave and hung it. The army was a few hundred yards away and calls were being made for help.
Public conjectures are endless and varied: the army has no will to go after the militants, the ANP is following the American line, the army and the militants are one, the army is trapping the ANP, the Police, the FC and the local citizens are being killed while the army is safe, if the army leaves the locals can make compromises with the militants and be in peace, the army is anyway scared of the militants; is it "scared" because it fears casualties, it does not understand the nature of the threat, etc.
Clearly the Pakistanis of Swat have zero faith in the institutions of their own country. Can we blame them?
The writer is an Islamabad-based security analyst. Email: nasimzehra@hotmail.com
Thursday, January 08, 2009
From Swat – with no love
The News
Thursday, January 08, 2009
Zubair Torwali
The main town of Swat, Mingora, has now virtually fallen to the militants. The police are escorted by army officials and come out from their ‘hide-outs’ only for a couple of hours. One of the busiest squares, Grain chowk, was renamed by the shopkeepers as ‘Khooni chowk’ because when they come to their shops in the morning on each day they find four or five dead bodies hung over the poles or the trees. They see dead bodies scattered along the foot path in the morning. The bodies are usually headless. The practice goes thus with an average of four deaths daily in the square. Similarly on each morning there are found bodies with their throats slit in Qambar, Kabal, Matta, Khawza Khela and Charbagh. This practice has been going on for weeks; and unfortunately does not seem to stop.
Jan 15 is the deadline set by the militants to close all schools, especially those of girls. As the deadline approaches people are getting more and more terrified. The government’s writ is all but absent. Nazims have been killed, women are not allowed to visit bazaars (which are deserted), NGOs have stopped working and children play a ‘Fauji Taliban’ game. The people live a miserable life in the cold. Most bridges have been damaged and beyond the main town phones have been dead for months. Most people live in darkness at night because the fighting has badly affected the power infrastructure as well.
Curfew is imposed constraining the people inside for days on end. And security forces personnel sometimes fire indiscriminately. The residents can do nothing – they cannot protest against the high-handedness of the military or stand up to the militants. The Taliban gain from strength to strength, partly aided by the use of FM radio. Various checkposts set up by the security forces seem to be no little use. Scores of militants entered Kalam last week in spite of six checkposts set up from from Bagh Dahri to Bahrain. It is quite clear that for now the victors in the war are the Taliban – and the losers the people of Swat.
But who cares about that in the rest of the country. The government seems too busy dealing with the aftermath of the Mumbai carnage. That said, the predicament of the people of Swat is worse than even of the people of Gaza. In Gaza the enemy is well known but in Swat the people know not who the enemy is and whom to hold responsible.
The civil society of any country is regarded as a great force to mobilize the general public against the violation of civil rights and liberty. It is considered as a bulwark against the violation of human rights. It is deemed as the upholder of people’s rights where the state fails to deliver. Its mettle was tested in the lawyers’ movement but we in Swat wonder why it is silent now? We hear no voice raise against the atrocities committed in Swat. No civil society organization has its voice against the plight of the women and children in Swat. We have not seen a single demonstration in the big cities against the monster of militancy in Swat, or in FATA for that matter. The media also seems apathetic about the plight. The print media does well to some extent but their scope is limited.
The people of Swat ask you to come out on their behalf and mobilize the general public against the war tearing the valley. We implore you to come out of your drawing rooms and stage protests so that the government does something about our plight.
The writer is a social activist who lives in Swat. Email: angeltorwali @gmail.com
Thursday, January 08, 2009
Zubair Torwali
The main town of Swat, Mingora, has now virtually fallen to the militants. The police are escorted by army officials and come out from their ‘hide-outs’ only for a couple of hours. One of the busiest squares, Grain chowk, was renamed by the shopkeepers as ‘Khooni chowk’ because when they come to their shops in the morning on each day they find four or five dead bodies hung over the poles or the trees. They see dead bodies scattered along the foot path in the morning. The bodies are usually headless. The practice goes thus with an average of four deaths daily in the square. Similarly on each morning there are found bodies with their throats slit in Qambar, Kabal, Matta, Khawza Khela and Charbagh. This practice has been going on for weeks; and unfortunately does not seem to stop.
Jan 15 is the deadline set by the militants to close all schools, especially those of girls. As the deadline approaches people are getting more and more terrified. The government’s writ is all but absent. Nazims have been killed, women are not allowed to visit bazaars (which are deserted), NGOs have stopped working and children play a ‘Fauji Taliban’ game. The people live a miserable life in the cold. Most bridges have been damaged and beyond the main town phones have been dead for months. Most people live in darkness at night because the fighting has badly affected the power infrastructure as well.
Curfew is imposed constraining the people inside for days on end. And security forces personnel sometimes fire indiscriminately. The residents can do nothing – they cannot protest against the high-handedness of the military or stand up to the militants. The Taliban gain from strength to strength, partly aided by the use of FM radio. Various checkposts set up by the security forces seem to be no little use. Scores of militants entered Kalam last week in spite of six checkposts set up from from Bagh Dahri to Bahrain. It is quite clear that for now the victors in the war are the Taliban – and the losers the people of Swat.
But who cares about that in the rest of the country. The government seems too busy dealing with the aftermath of the Mumbai carnage. That said, the predicament of the people of Swat is worse than even of the people of Gaza. In Gaza the enemy is well known but in Swat the people know not who the enemy is and whom to hold responsible.
The civil society of any country is regarded as a great force to mobilize the general public against the violation of civil rights and liberty. It is considered as a bulwark against the violation of human rights. It is deemed as the upholder of people’s rights where the state fails to deliver. Its mettle was tested in the lawyers’ movement but we in Swat wonder why it is silent now? We hear no voice raise against the atrocities committed in Swat. No civil society organization has its voice against the plight of the women and children in Swat. We have not seen a single demonstration in the big cities against the monster of militancy in Swat, or in FATA for that matter. The media also seems apathetic about the plight. The print media does well to some extent but their scope is limited.
The people of Swat ask you to come out on their behalf and mobilize the general public against the war tearing the valley. We implore you to come out of your drawing rooms and stage protests so that the government does something about our plight.
The writer is a social activist who lives in Swat. Email: angeltorwali @gmail.com
Wednesday, January 07, 2009
Long Live Pashtunistan
http://the-redpill.blogspot.com/
Long Live Pashtunistan
Earlier in my blog, I offered my respect to the Kashmiri people and to their right to unity and self-determination. In today's post, I would like to pay my respects to another brave people who also suffered a lot - the Pashtuns.
The history of Pashtuns is written in valor and heroism. Their fierce independence and love for freedom were mentioned in the most ancient texts, including the Rig Veda and the Mahabharata. Never surrendering to any empire or army, these people always maintained independent tribal republics. Even the mighty Alexander could not annex their lands. As chronicled by Megasthenes, his army fought a fierce battle with the Assakenoi (Ashvaganas / Afghans). Instead of accepting defeat, entire tribes (including women) took to arms and sacrificed their lives. Their feat is as stirring as that of the 300 Spartan warriors of Leonidas. One of the reasons why Alexander didn't cross the Indus river is because of the fear these warriors put into the hearts of the Greek soldiers.
Coming to modern times, even the greatest empire in history - the British empire could not succeed in occupying the Afghan lands. Afghanistan remained a sovereign state since the early 1700s, making it the most ancient sovereign state in this region of the world.
Pashtuns, with their love for freedom and their gratitude to loyalty and honesty, are an inspiration to people everywhere in the world. A few of these valiant people settled in India, called Pathans, always known for their big generous hearts.
Pashtuns love music, and a lot of famous singers and artists in the Indian subcontinent come from this region. Several ancient Indian / Iranian mathematicians and scientists originated from Gandhara (Kandahar) and Balkh.
All this history stands in stark contrast to the way media portrays Pashtuns today - as medieval tribal warriors. This portrayal comes in handy for two souces - the NATO forces fighting them in Kandahar and the Pakistani forces fighting them in Waziristan. Why did Pashtuns get dragged into this warfare is a sad story.
It begins with a betrayal. And it is we Indians (precisely Nehru) who have to suffer the blame of backstabbing Pashtuns.
Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan (fondly known as Bacha Khan) was the most inspiring freedom fighter from the Pashtun region. A devout Muslim, and also a staunch Gandhian who abrogated violence, he inspired the entire Pashtun community to stand up to the British. He said, "I am going to give you such a weapon that the police and the army will not be able to stand against it. It is the weapon of the Prophet, but you are not aware of it. That weapon is patience and righteousness. No power on earth can stand against it." He was known as the frontier Gandhi and his followers were known as the Khudai-khidmatgars (servants of God).
As the idea of partitioning India was picking up steam, Bacha Khan firmly opposed it and remained staunchly secular. He didn't want Pashtun provinces to become part of an Islamic Pakistan. At the urgency of independence, and at the threat of religious violence between Hindus and Muslims, Gandhi and Nehru have forced Bacha Khan to agree to the merger with Pakistan. Bacha Khan moaned to Gandhi, "You have thrown us to the wolves". After the merger, Bacha Khan was labeled an enemy of Islam and imprisoned several times. His followers were carefully decimated by the opponents with support from Islamabad. Military generals such as Zia-ul-Haq have taken advantage of the illiteracy and backwardness of the region, and appointed religious fundamentalists as leaders.
The second part of the story began with the attack of Afghanistan by the Soviet troops. Seeing their brothers dying across the border, many Pashtuns took to arms. Taking advantage of the situation, USA and Pakistan funded this war and supplied them with weapons and missiles. As the superpowers played their colonial chess games, ordinary Pashtuns died in large numbers. War and violence have further eroded the spirit of Pashtuns. Illiteracy and economic backwardness became rife.
The third and final part of the story was the infiltration of the Pashtun lands with Arab fighters. First arrived to fight the Soviets, these militants then started to use the lands of their hosts against new enemies - the USA. The stationing of US troops on Saudi soil, became the reason of hatred for one Osama bin Laden. He abused the hospitality of his hosts by using Afghanistan to hatch terrorist plots, which serve the purpose of no Afghan citizen. After the 9-11, the USA started bombing the Afghan lands killing Pashtuns in large numbers, but still unable to locate the main culprit.
The spirit of Bacha Khan seems so far away, and we are left to wonder what happened to the Khudai-khidmatgars ! The brave Pashtun people are left with no strong leader and are being made to fight foreign wars - against India and against USA, by cowardly people behind the scenes. This has to stop. Indians have to reaffirm their love and respect for the Pashtun people. The Americans should attempt to understand their fierce love for freedom, and stop a war which they can never win.
When will Pashtuns stop fighting foreign wars, funded by cowardly people from the back ? When will Pashtuns see a return to peace and prosperity ?
I wish the Pashtuns the same thing I wished for the Kashmiris - an affirmation of their self-respect and dignity, an end to the murder of their race, and a tearing down of the artificial walls which seperate brothers.
Long Live Pashtunistan
Earlier in my blog, I offered my respect to the Kashmiri people and to their right to unity and self-determination. In today's post, I would like to pay my respects to another brave people who also suffered a lot - the Pashtuns.
The history of Pashtuns is written in valor and heroism. Their fierce independence and love for freedom were mentioned in the most ancient texts, including the Rig Veda and the Mahabharata. Never surrendering to any empire or army, these people always maintained independent tribal republics. Even the mighty Alexander could not annex their lands. As chronicled by Megasthenes, his army fought a fierce battle with the Assakenoi (Ashvaganas / Afghans). Instead of accepting defeat, entire tribes (including women) took to arms and sacrificed their lives. Their feat is as stirring as that of the 300 Spartan warriors of Leonidas. One of the reasons why Alexander didn't cross the Indus river is because of the fear these warriors put into the hearts of the Greek soldiers.
Coming to modern times, even the greatest empire in history - the British empire could not succeed in occupying the Afghan lands. Afghanistan remained a sovereign state since the early 1700s, making it the most ancient sovereign state in this region of the world.
Pashtuns, with their love for freedom and their gratitude to loyalty and honesty, are an inspiration to people everywhere in the world. A few of these valiant people settled in India, called Pathans, always known for their big generous hearts.
Pashtuns love music, and a lot of famous singers and artists in the Indian subcontinent come from this region. Several ancient Indian / Iranian mathematicians and scientists originated from Gandhara (Kandahar) and Balkh.
All this history stands in stark contrast to the way media portrays Pashtuns today - as medieval tribal warriors. This portrayal comes in handy for two souces - the NATO forces fighting them in Kandahar and the Pakistani forces fighting them in Waziristan. Why did Pashtuns get dragged into this warfare is a sad story.
It begins with a betrayal. And it is we Indians (precisely Nehru) who have to suffer the blame of backstabbing Pashtuns.
Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan (fondly known as Bacha Khan) was the most inspiring freedom fighter from the Pashtun region. A devout Muslim, and also a staunch Gandhian who abrogated violence, he inspired the entire Pashtun community to stand up to the British. He said, "I am going to give you such a weapon that the police and the army will not be able to stand against it. It is the weapon of the Prophet, but you are not aware of it. That weapon is patience and righteousness. No power on earth can stand against it." He was known as the frontier Gandhi and his followers were known as the Khudai-khidmatgars (servants of God).
As the idea of partitioning India was picking up steam, Bacha Khan firmly opposed it and remained staunchly secular. He didn't want Pashtun provinces to become part of an Islamic Pakistan. At the urgency of independence, and at the threat of religious violence between Hindus and Muslims, Gandhi and Nehru have forced Bacha Khan to agree to the merger with Pakistan. Bacha Khan moaned to Gandhi, "You have thrown us to the wolves". After the merger, Bacha Khan was labeled an enemy of Islam and imprisoned several times. His followers were carefully decimated by the opponents with support from Islamabad. Military generals such as Zia-ul-Haq have taken advantage of the illiteracy and backwardness of the region, and appointed religious fundamentalists as leaders.
The second part of the story began with the attack of Afghanistan by the Soviet troops. Seeing their brothers dying across the border, many Pashtuns took to arms. Taking advantage of the situation, USA and Pakistan funded this war and supplied them with weapons and missiles. As the superpowers played their colonial chess games, ordinary Pashtuns died in large numbers. War and violence have further eroded the spirit of Pashtuns. Illiteracy and economic backwardness became rife.
The third and final part of the story was the infiltration of the Pashtun lands with Arab fighters. First arrived to fight the Soviets, these militants then started to use the lands of their hosts against new enemies - the USA. The stationing of US troops on Saudi soil, became the reason of hatred for one Osama bin Laden. He abused the hospitality of his hosts by using Afghanistan to hatch terrorist plots, which serve the purpose of no Afghan citizen. After the 9-11, the USA started bombing the Afghan lands killing Pashtuns in large numbers, but still unable to locate the main culprit.
The spirit of Bacha Khan seems so far away, and we are left to wonder what happened to the Khudai-khidmatgars ! The brave Pashtun people are left with no strong leader and are being made to fight foreign wars - against India and against USA, by cowardly people behind the scenes. This has to stop. Indians have to reaffirm their love and respect for the Pashtun people. The Americans should attempt to understand their fierce love for freedom, and stop a war which they can never win.
When will Pashtuns stop fighting foreign wars, funded by cowardly people from the back ? When will Pashtuns see a return to peace and prosperity ?
I wish the Pashtuns the same thing I wished for the Kashmiris - an affirmation of their self-respect and dignity, an end to the murder of their race, and a tearing down of the artificial walls which seperate brothers.
Thursday, January 01, 2009
Sand Bags n Pashtuns /
Dr Enayatullag faizi
daily Mashriq.Peshawar.
The Author of This Article is Dr Inayatullah Faizi a column writer for daily Mashriq, Peshawar..
href="http://www.dailymashriq.com.pk/oppion/anyet.html">
Wednesday, December 31, 2008
Objectifying the Pakhtun
Wednesday, December 31, 2008
Farhat Taj
Some people on the editorial pages of The News have have fantasies in which they objectify the Pakhtun. It is as if the Pakhtuns do not human needs, constraints and concerns but are objects programmed to behave in line with the fantasies of these people. Two of the people are Admiral (retired) Fasih Bukhari (Dec 15) and Zeenia Satti's article "Dangerous vacuum" (Dec 16).
in "Let's get our act together in South Asia," Mr Bukhari writes that in Afghanistan the coalition forces' "Operation Lion Heart" against Pathan supporters of the Afghan Taliban in NWFP "is an obvious reference to the third Christian Crusade of Richard II of England against Sultan Salahuddin Ayubi: obviously calculated to arouse anger in the highly religious tribesmen."
It is a fantasy that "Operation Lion Heart" will arouse Pakhtun tribesmen's anger. The connotation has nothing to do with the current realities of the Pakhtuns and their history, because the Crusades are not an episode in Pakhtun history. With a literacy rate of 17 percent among men and 3 percent among women in the tribal areas, most tribesmen and -women have little knowledge of the history of far away lands. However, the tribal people do have knowledge of Pakhtun history. For example, many tribal people would know something about the Pakhtun history of resistance to the Muslim Mughal Empire and the British Empire. I asked 411 tribesmen and -women in different places in the tribal areas to tell me how much they know about Richard II. Not a single man or woman knew who he was--including some individuals educated up to the level of MA. Only five people had heard about the Crusades (Salibi Jangey). Three of them had no idea about the geographic and ethnic identity of the peoples who participated in the Crusades. They just said that the Crusades were wars between Muslims and Christian somewhere in the world.
So how can the Americans provoke the "highly religious tribesmen" by naming their operation "Lion Heart"? Rather, the Americans were provoking, if indeed they were, the Arab militants holed up in the tribal areas.
Secondly, not all tribesmen are "highly religious." Pakhtun tribal society is like any other human society. Some individuals are highly religious but others are moderately so. Mostly, Pakhtun men and women live according to their Rewaj (Custom) not religion; religion is an important part of the Rewaj, but not the entire Rewaj.
Ms Satti writes that the Pakistani Taliban "have already benefited from the CIA's drone attacks. After each attack, the incumbents, entrusted with guarding the territorial sovereignty of Pakistan, are seen sitting on their plush sofas, doing effete 'muzammat'--while the Taliban are seen destroying NATO vehicles and firing at the drones. This has endeared them to NWFP residents, despite the Taliban's having caused the attacks, in the first place."
This statement is a wild fantasy when seen through the realities of the people of the NWFP. They are sick and tired of the Taliban. The Taliban have killed innocent people--men, women, children--they have destroyed the educational institutions in the area, devastated businesses and shattered the peace there. The Taliban even exhume and humiliate the dead bodies. The Army, an institution always respected by the people of the NWFP, is losing its prestige in the eyes of the people of the area for being seen as unable or unwilling to crush the Taliban. Despite all this, Ms Satti believes that the Taliban have become the darling of the NWFP people. Which NWFP is the writer talking about? The real NWFP, the federating unit of Pakistan, or some imaginary NWFP in the fantasies of the writer? What is the writer's source of information?
I sent the writer an email on Dec 17 and asked the following questions:
1. For whom does the Taliban's behaviour have an emotive appeal?
2) Could you explain a bit what you mean by "while the Taliban are seen destroying NATO vehicles and firing at the drones. This has endeared them to NWFP residents"?
3) When was the last time you were in the NWFP?
4) Are you from the NWFP or FATA?
The writer never replied to the email. One of my friends also sent her an email asking more or less the same questions. The writer never replied to this friend either. Perhaps the writer did not receive our emails, or perhaps she deliberately chose to ignore them. If we had received a response, we would have had a better idea of the logic behind her statement. Several people of the NWFP with whom I discussed her article expressed strong disagreement. One described it as "bizarre, naive and irresponsible."
I would request both Mr Bukhari and Zeenia Satti to check the bases of their assumptions about the Pakhtun areas against the concrete realities of the area, its people and their history before writing about them.
The writer is a research fellow at the Centre for Interdisciplinary Gender Research, University of Oslo. Email: bergen34@yahoo.com
http://thenews.jang.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=154680
Wednesday, December 31, 2008
Farhat Taj
Some people on the editorial pages of The News have have fantasies in which they objectify the Pakhtun. It is as if the Pakhtuns do not human needs, constraints and concerns but are objects programmed to behave in line with the fantasies of these people. Two of the people are Admiral (retired) Fasih Bukhari (Dec 15) and Zeenia Satti's article "Dangerous vacuum" (Dec 16).
in "Let's get our act together in South Asia," Mr Bukhari writes that in Afghanistan the coalition forces' "Operation Lion Heart" against Pathan supporters of the Afghan Taliban in NWFP "is an obvious reference to the third Christian Crusade of Richard II of England against Sultan Salahuddin Ayubi: obviously calculated to arouse anger in the highly religious tribesmen."
It is a fantasy that "Operation Lion Heart" will arouse Pakhtun tribesmen's anger. The connotation has nothing to do with the current realities of the Pakhtuns and their history, because the Crusades are not an episode in Pakhtun history. With a literacy rate of 17 percent among men and 3 percent among women in the tribal areas, most tribesmen and -women have little knowledge of the history of far away lands. However, the tribal people do have knowledge of Pakhtun history. For example, many tribal people would know something about the Pakhtun history of resistance to the Muslim Mughal Empire and the British Empire. I asked 411 tribesmen and -women in different places in the tribal areas to tell me how much they know about Richard II. Not a single man or woman knew who he was--including some individuals educated up to the level of MA. Only five people had heard about the Crusades (Salibi Jangey). Three of them had no idea about the geographic and ethnic identity of the peoples who participated in the Crusades. They just said that the Crusades were wars between Muslims and Christian somewhere in the world.
So how can the Americans provoke the "highly religious tribesmen" by naming their operation "Lion Heart"? Rather, the Americans were provoking, if indeed they were, the Arab militants holed up in the tribal areas.
Secondly, not all tribesmen are "highly religious." Pakhtun tribal society is like any other human society. Some individuals are highly religious but others are moderately so. Mostly, Pakhtun men and women live according to their Rewaj (Custom) not religion; religion is an important part of the Rewaj, but not the entire Rewaj.
Ms Satti writes that the Pakistani Taliban "have already benefited from the CIA's drone attacks. After each attack, the incumbents, entrusted with guarding the territorial sovereignty of Pakistan, are seen sitting on their plush sofas, doing effete 'muzammat'--while the Taliban are seen destroying NATO vehicles and firing at the drones. This has endeared them to NWFP residents, despite the Taliban's having caused the attacks, in the first place."
This statement is a wild fantasy when seen through the realities of the people of the NWFP. They are sick and tired of the Taliban. The Taliban have killed innocent people--men, women, children--they have destroyed the educational institutions in the area, devastated businesses and shattered the peace there. The Taliban even exhume and humiliate the dead bodies. The Army, an institution always respected by the people of the NWFP, is losing its prestige in the eyes of the people of the area for being seen as unable or unwilling to crush the Taliban. Despite all this, Ms Satti believes that the Taliban have become the darling of the NWFP people. Which NWFP is the writer talking about? The real NWFP, the federating unit of Pakistan, or some imaginary NWFP in the fantasies of the writer? What is the writer's source of information?
I sent the writer an email on Dec 17 and asked the following questions:
1. For whom does the Taliban's behaviour have an emotive appeal?
2) Could you explain a bit what you mean by "while the Taliban are seen destroying NATO vehicles and firing at the drones. This has endeared them to NWFP residents"?
3) When was the last time you were in the NWFP?
4) Are you from the NWFP or FATA?
The writer never replied to the email. One of my friends also sent her an email asking more or less the same questions. The writer never replied to this friend either. Perhaps the writer did not receive our emails, or perhaps she deliberately chose to ignore them. If we had received a response, we would have had a better idea of the logic behind her statement. Several people of the NWFP with whom I discussed her article expressed strong disagreement. One described it as "bizarre, naive and irresponsible."
I would request both Mr Bukhari and Zeenia Satti to check the bases of their assumptions about the Pakhtun areas against the concrete realities of the area, its people and their history before writing about them.
The writer is a research fellow at the Centre for Interdisciplinary Gender Research, University of Oslo. Email: bergen34@yahoo.com
http://thenews.jang.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=154680
Monday, December 29, 2008
Saturday, December 27, 2008
Hanging a dead pir
The News
Saturday, December 27, 2008
Farhat Taj
Pir Samiullah of Swat was reportedly encouraged by the army stationed in Swat to raise a lashkar against the Taliban. This invoked the rage of the Taliban who besieged him for days in his village. The army never showed up to help and finally he was killed. The Taliban exhumed his body and hung it in a public place for several hours.
What the Taliban did to the pir's body is tantamount to a kick to the face of civilisation. The Taliban, who had done the same with the body of Dr Najibullah, the former president of Afghanistan, will most probably do it again if given the opportunity.
As far as I know Pakhtun history has never seen such kicks to the face of civilisation, although a greater part of it has been a history of armed conflicts. This changed with the arrival of the holy warriors--the Mujahideen and Taliban.
The Pakhtun Taliban, it seems to me, have appropriated such means of disgrace from the history of their Arabs and Central Asians colleagues. The Umayad caliphs dug up graves of their opponents, exhumed bodies, put them on trial and hanged them.
What happened to Pir Samiullah's body is a dangerous symbolism, because to many people in Swat the disrespect to it was wilfully permitted by the Army. One person said: "The Army did not fire a single bullet while 300-400 of Taliban were firing at the Pir's supporters in Matta tehsil. When the Army knew that Taliban fighters had gathered in their hundreds, why didn't they take action?'
I have been in contact with a number of people from Swat, who complain that the Taliban terrorise and slaughter people and exhume dead bodies, but the Army is nowhere to protect them. They argued that the army is backing the Taliban. One person even said that the commander of the military operation in Swat sends Rs10 million every month to the Swat Taliban leader, Maulana Fazalullah, so he would not harm the army, and do whatever they want with the people and culture of Swat.
Many people who know the geography of the area believe that the military is capable of beating the Taliban by simply besieging their headquarters from three different directions--from the Matta and Madyan tehsil and from lower Dir. This will disrupt the Taliban's logistics and ultimately force them to surrender. The people of Matta had distributed sweets when the military arrived there.
Local residents complain that while the military has killed hundreds of civilians, it has killed only a few hardcore Taliban. The brother of a serving minister of the NWFP, who was in the police and was well-known for standing up to the Taliban, was killed in broad daylight in Mingora, and the perpetrators succeeded in escaping. How then can the people believe that the military is serious in its operation against the Taliban? The result is that an increasingly people in Swat see the Taliban and the Army as two sides of the same coin.
To crosscheck the views of the local people I had a long discussions with two Army offers, a colonel and a major. (Neither was stationed in Swat but the said they were aware of the situation of their colleagues in Swat.) They denied any notion of the army supporting the Taliban. They emphasised that the militants hid among the civilian population and the Army had to move very carefully to avoid civilian damage. They said the Army is constrained by its sensitivity to media reaction: there is media uproar when civilians are killed in military operations and almost complete silence when militants kill civilians. They also pointed out that the civil administration has abandoned the people of Swat. There is almost no one in areas cleared by the army--the police or the administration--to resume routine work. They also said that Army commanders in Swat had requested key federal and provincial political leaders to come to areas cleared by it, under full military protection, to restore the confidence of the people of Swat in the government and the Army, but to no avail.
Following my meeting with the two army officers I also met an NWFP journalist who had had had long discussions with the military commanders in Swat. The journalist more or less confirmed the views expressed by the two army officers.
There seem to be a lack of confidence between the Army in Swat and the politicians and this is to the disadvantage of the people of Swat. The two sides have to remove the lack of confidence in each other if they wish to retain respect among the people of Swat, who now feel abandoned by both the army and the political leaders.
The media should be robust in its response to the violence used by the Taliban. Many people in Swat also believe they have been abandoned by the media as well. One person told me he had been contacting famous media persons like, Hamid Mir, Kamran Khan and Dr Shahid Masood to as them to highlight in their TV shows the daily violence committed by the Taliban, but none of them ever replied.
Any civilised society would have come to a complete standstill upon an incident like the disrespect to the dead body of Pir Samiullah. But in Pakistan it has been business as usual. When the holy warriors insulted the dead body of Dr Najibullah the society in Pakistan remained indifferent. Now this act of disrespect has been committed well inside Pakistan--Swat has no border with Afghanistan. I am afraid that in future such acts could be repeating themselves in Lahore and Islamabad. People across Pakistan must send--for their self-interest, if not for moral reasons--a strong message to the Taliban that their brutal means of violence are not acceptable. Otherwise, we must be ready to see more such kicks to the face of civilisation in our country.
The writer is a research fellow at the Centre for Interdisciplinary Gender Research, University of Oslo. Email: bergen34@yahoo.com
Also see:
Saturday, December 27, 2008
Farhat Taj
Pir Samiullah of Swat was reportedly encouraged by the army stationed in Swat to raise a lashkar against the Taliban. This invoked the rage of the Taliban who besieged him for days in his village. The army never showed up to help and finally he was killed. The Taliban exhumed his body and hung it in a public place for several hours.
What the Taliban did to the pir's body is tantamount to a kick to the face of civilisation. The Taliban, who had done the same with the body of Dr Najibullah, the former president of Afghanistan, will most probably do it again if given the opportunity.
As far as I know Pakhtun history has never seen such kicks to the face of civilisation, although a greater part of it has been a history of armed conflicts. This changed with the arrival of the holy warriors--the Mujahideen and Taliban.
The Pakhtun Taliban, it seems to me, have appropriated such means of disgrace from the history of their Arabs and Central Asians colleagues. The Umayad caliphs dug up graves of their opponents, exhumed bodies, put them on trial and hanged them.
What happened to Pir Samiullah's body is a dangerous symbolism, because to many people in Swat the disrespect to it was wilfully permitted by the Army. One person said: "The Army did not fire a single bullet while 300-400 of Taliban were firing at the Pir's supporters in Matta tehsil. When the Army knew that Taliban fighters had gathered in their hundreds, why didn't they take action?'
I have been in contact with a number of people from Swat, who complain that the Taliban terrorise and slaughter people and exhume dead bodies, but the Army is nowhere to protect them. They argued that the army is backing the Taliban. One person even said that the commander of the military operation in Swat sends Rs10 million every month to the Swat Taliban leader, Maulana Fazalullah, so he would not harm the army, and do whatever they want with the people and culture of Swat.
Many people who know the geography of the area believe that the military is capable of beating the Taliban by simply besieging their headquarters from three different directions--from the Matta and Madyan tehsil and from lower Dir. This will disrupt the Taliban's logistics and ultimately force them to surrender. The people of Matta had distributed sweets when the military arrived there.
Local residents complain that while the military has killed hundreds of civilians, it has killed only a few hardcore Taliban. The brother of a serving minister of the NWFP, who was in the police and was well-known for standing up to the Taliban, was killed in broad daylight in Mingora, and the perpetrators succeeded in escaping. How then can the people believe that the military is serious in its operation against the Taliban? The result is that an increasingly people in Swat see the Taliban and the Army as two sides of the same coin.
To crosscheck the views of the local people I had a long discussions with two Army offers, a colonel and a major. (Neither was stationed in Swat but the said they were aware of the situation of their colleagues in Swat.) They denied any notion of the army supporting the Taliban. They emphasised that the militants hid among the civilian population and the Army had to move very carefully to avoid civilian damage. They said the Army is constrained by its sensitivity to media reaction: there is media uproar when civilians are killed in military operations and almost complete silence when militants kill civilians. They also pointed out that the civil administration has abandoned the people of Swat. There is almost no one in areas cleared by the army--the police or the administration--to resume routine work. They also said that Army commanders in Swat had requested key federal and provincial political leaders to come to areas cleared by it, under full military protection, to restore the confidence of the people of Swat in the government and the Army, but to no avail.
Following my meeting with the two army officers I also met an NWFP journalist who had had had long discussions with the military commanders in Swat. The journalist more or less confirmed the views expressed by the two army officers.
There seem to be a lack of confidence between the Army in Swat and the politicians and this is to the disadvantage of the people of Swat. The two sides have to remove the lack of confidence in each other if they wish to retain respect among the people of Swat, who now feel abandoned by both the army and the political leaders.
The media should be robust in its response to the violence used by the Taliban. Many people in Swat also believe they have been abandoned by the media as well. One person told me he had been contacting famous media persons like, Hamid Mir, Kamran Khan and Dr Shahid Masood to as them to highlight in their TV shows the daily violence committed by the Taliban, but none of them ever replied.
Any civilised society would have come to a complete standstill upon an incident like the disrespect to the dead body of Pir Samiullah. But in Pakistan it has been business as usual. When the holy warriors insulted the dead body of Dr Najibullah the society in Pakistan remained indifferent. Now this act of disrespect has been committed well inside Pakistan--Swat has no border with Afghanistan. I am afraid that in future such acts could be repeating themselves in Lahore and Islamabad. People across Pakistan must send--for their self-interest, if not for moral reasons--a strong message to the Taliban that their brutal means of violence are not acceptable. Otherwise, we must be ready to see more such kicks to the face of civilisation in our country.
The writer is a research fellow at the Centre for Interdisciplinary Gender Research, University of Oslo. Email: bergen34@yahoo.com
Also see:
Thursday, December 25, 2008
شيرين يار يوسفزے
ماته ياد شی اے وطنه
ماته ياد شی او وطنه ----------------همه تېر زاړۀ وختونه
زما زړه باندې پراتۀ دی------------- هغه ډېر خواږۀ يادونه
هغه زۀ چې يو ماشوم وم
زۀ به پروت وم پۀ ځانګو کښې
پۀ ځولۍ کښې کله ترخ کښې
ډېر پۀ ناز او پۀ نخرو کښې
ماته مور به الله هو وې
دَ اواز خوږو چپو کښې
خور او ورور للې للو وې
ترنم او پۀ نغمو کښې
لۀ دې پس شوم پۀ خپوړو
او بيا ساه راغے پاپو کښې
ما وهلې به بيا منډې
ستا پۀ پولو پۀ پټو کښې
پۀ تکل دَ تاروګو به
ګرځېدمه پۀ واخو کښې
يا مشغول به ووم پۀ لوبو
چرته ګټو پۀ ټيکرو کښې
چې رابره به سپوږمۍ شوه-------- ماغوښتل به ترې ممونه
پټ پټوڼی نه دَ ستورو ------------اخستل به مې خوندونه
ماته ياد شی اے وطنه --------------همه تېر زاړۀ وختونه
زما زړۀ باندې پراتۀ دی ------------هغه ډېر خواږۀ يادونه
ستا پۀ کلو پۀ بانډو کښې
هلکان چې به ټولګی وو
پۀ رنګ رنګ له هغه لوبې
ښۀ پۀ درز به ماښامی وو
يا به لوبه وه دَ سيو
ښۀ تاو شوی به لنډی وو
يا به لوبه مو دَ پاڼې
يا انګۍ کښې به ملی وو
يا جور کړی ې وادونه
دَ ګوډۍ او ګوډاګی وو
هم ې لوبې دَ موسَيّو
پۀ چيندرو کؤې الګوډی وو
يا داوونه پۀ ميرګاټو
''يا ونی'' او ''دووَنی''
چې به جوړ شو پۀ حجره کښې --------دَزلمو دوه طرفونه
يا دَ مخې ګوزارونه ---------------يا ټيکونه، اکوړونه
ماته ياد شی اے وطنه -------------همه تېر زاړۀ وختونه
زما زړۀ باندې پراتۀ دی ------------هغه ډېر خواږۀ يادونه
هغه ستا پۀ للمو،دشتو
چې به راغلۀ بهارونه
ټوکېدلی به غانټول وو
او لاله هم سرۀ مخونه
کله شين کله باران به
ځانله ځانله ې خوندونه
کۀ به جوړ دَ بودۍ ټال شو
دَ قدرت؛جمع رنګونه
هم اباد دې ګودرونه
مستې جونه قطارونه
پۀ ترخونو کښې منګی ئې
پۀ يو بل باندې ټېلونه
يا پۀ سيند کښې شازلميانو
چې پۀ مټ به کړۀ جالونه
پۀ مهيانو پسې چَړ کښې
پۀ څپياکو ګوزارونه
چې سيند غاړې ته پۀ اوړی-----------اچول به مو سپرونه
پۀ چپو کښې به تارۍ وې------------ تش بازو او شنازونه
ماته ياد شی اے وطنه ---------------همه تېر زاړۀ وختونه
زما زړۀ باندې پراتۀ دی -------------هغه ډېر خواږۀ يادونه هر ماښام هغه مابڼ ته
دَ مارغانو تلۀ سېلونه
پۀ اسمان کښې به روانې
هغه زاڼې قطارونه
پۀ بېلو کښې سرخابانو
چې به ونيؤل ناوُونه
پۀ ميره کښې چې به خراړو
راچېړل دَ زيل سُرونه
دَ طوطيانو،ښاروګانو
پۀ هر بڼ کښې اوازونه
دَ زرکانو ،طاؤسانو
هغه کړيکې او چړَ کونه
يا لۀ جاړو ترنګؤل چې
تاروګانو خپل تارونه
پۀ نارو به وُو تنزری
دَ مړز پِچ پړَ کونه
چې نغمې وې دَ بلبلو----------دَکوئل خواږۀ کُوکُونه
څنګه ډک وُو لۀ سروده-----------سحرونه،ماښامونه
ماته ياد شی اے وطنه----------هغه تېر زاړۀ وختونه
زما زړۀ باندې پراتۀ دی--------هغه ډېر خواږۀ يادونه
هغه دنګ او اوچت غرونه
تر اسمانه ئې سَرونه
پۀ لمن کښې ئې غوزان وُو
پۀ سرونو نخترونه
ګرځېدل ئې سردرو کښې
دَ زمريانو کنډکونه
دانګېدلې غرڅنۍ به
شړړېدل به ابشارونه
پۀ هوا شيکری،باښې وې
پۀ غوټو به وُو بازونه
خزندو او درندو نه
سوړې ډکې هم غارونه
دمه شپه کښې راؤښکل به
شرمخانو اوازونه
پړقېدۀ به اورَ کی-هم
دَ پېريانو لاټينونه
چې جهان پرې ښائېسته وو-----------دَفطرت بلا رانګونه
زما سترګو کښې ځَلېږی-----------دَ حيات واړه عکسونه
ماته ياد شی اے وطنه--------------همه تېر زاړۀ وختونه
زما زړۀ باندې پراتۀ دی------------هغه ډېر خواږۀ يادونه
هغه موج اماج دَ زمکو
دَ هرچا زميندارې وې
پرې اباد وُو ارټونه
دَ هرچا قلبې،جوړې وې
دَ اسانو او غويانو
جوړ زغلونه او مېلې وې
ښۀ چيکار چيکار کندوان وو
ښې پرېوانه به غلې وې
وو محدود ضرورتونه
پۀ توڼۍ کښې څو توښې وې
بې ضَرر دَ خاورو لوښی
کۀ دوڼۍ،کټوۍ،کاسې وې
يو توشک،يوه شړۍ وه
کڼاوې وې او پڼې وې
دَ ژوندون اوږې وې سپکې
ملازې وې نۀ نخرې وې
چې پۀ لو او پۀ غوبل به----------------لګېدلی اشرونه
دَ يو بل پۀ کار راتلۀ به------------وُو دا هسې عالمونه
ماته ياد شی اے وطنه------------همه تېر زاړۀ وختونه
زما زړۀ باندې پراتۀ دی----------هغه ډېر خواږۀ يادونه
هغه ډکه به حجره وه
سره ټول درانۀ پګونه
ښې درَنې درَنې کاټۍ وې
ښۀ دراز دراز قدونه
پۀ پټکو کښې شملې لکې
پۀ څنګ تورې،ټوپکونه
ګرځېدل به تاو برېتونه
دَ غَيرت او ننګ مړونه
پۀ جرګو هَوارَول ئې
ټول خندونه، جنجالونه
لاس پۀ نام ورته کسبيان وو
پۀ چکر ئې چېلمونه
ماسخوتن به دَ زلميانو
پۀ حجرو کښې محفلونه
دَ منګی هغه ټنګونه
پۀ رېلو ئې ربابونه
چې دَ خوند او دَ وقار وو------------ښکلی واړه ساعتونه
مينه مينه ورورولی وه--------------کشالې وې نۀ جنګونه
ماته ياد شی اے وطنه---------------همه تېر زاړۀ وختونه
زما زړۀ باندې پراتۀ دی------------هغه ډېر خواږۀ يادونه
ماته ياد شی او وطنه ----------------همه تېر زاړۀ وختونه
زما زړه باندې پراتۀ دی------------- هغه ډېر خواږۀ يادونه
هغه زۀ چې يو ماشوم وم
زۀ به پروت وم پۀ ځانګو کښې
پۀ ځولۍ کښې کله ترخ کښې
ډېر پۀ ناز او پۀ نخرو کښې
ماته مور به الله هو وې
دَ اواز خوږو چپو کښې
خور او ورور للې للو وې
ترنم او پۀ نغمو کښې
لۀ دې پس شوم پۀ خپوړو
او بيا ساه راغے پاپو کښې
ما وهلې به بيا منډې
ستا پۀ پولو پۀ پټو کښې
پۀ تکل دَ تاروګو به
ګرځېدمه پۀ واخو کښې
يا مشغول به ووم پۀ لوبو
چرته ګټو پۀ ټيکرو کښې
چې رابره به سپوږمۍ شوه-------- ماغوښتل به ترې ممونه
پټ پټوڼی نه دَ ستورو ------------اخستل به مې خوندونه
ماته ياد شی اے وطنه --------------همه تېر زاړۀ وختونه
زما زړۀ باندې پراتۀ دی ------------هغه ډېر خواږۀ يادونه
ستا پۀ کلو پۀ بانډو کښې
هلکان چې به ټولګی وو
پۀ رنګ رنګ له هغه لوبې
ښۀ پۀ درز به ماښامی وو
يا به لوبه وه دَ سيو
ښۀ تاو شوی به لنډی وو
يا به لوبه مو دَ پاڼې
يا انګۍ کښې به ملی وو
يا جور کړی ې وادونه
دَ ګوډۍ او ګوډاګی وو
هم ې لوبې دَ موسَيّو
پۀ چيندرو کؤې الګوډی وو
يا داوونه پۀ ميرګاټو
''يا ونی'' او ''دووَنی''
چې به جوړ شو پۀ حجره کښې --------دَزلمو دوه طرفونه
يا دَ مخې ګوزارونه ---------------يا ټيکونه، اکوړونه
ماته ياد شی اے وطنه -------------همه تېر زاړۀ وختونه
زما زړۀ باندې پراتۀ دی ------------هغه ډېر خواږۀ يادونه
هغه ستا پۀ للمو،دشتو
چې به راغلۀ بهارونه
ټوکېدلی به غانټول وو
او لاله هم سرۀ مخونه
کله شين کله باران به
ځانله ځانله ې خوندونه
کۀ به جوړ دَ بودۍ ټال شو
دَ قدرت؛جمع رنګونه
هم اباد دې ګودرونه
مستې جونه قطارونه
پۀ ترخونو کښې منګی ئې
پۀ يو بل باندې ټېلونه
يا پۀ سيند کښې شازلميانو
چې پۀ مټ به کړۀ جالونه
پۀ مهيانو پسې چَړ کښې
پۀ څپياکو ګوزارونه
چې سيند غاړې ته پۀ اوړی-----------اچول به مو سپرونه
پۀ چپو کښې به تارۍ وې------------ تش بازو او شنازونه
ماته ياد شی اے وطنه ---------------همه تېر زاړۀ وختونه
زما زړۀ باندې پراتۀ دی -------------هغه ډېر خواږۀ يادونه هر ماښام هغه مابڼ ته
دَ مارغانو تلۀ سېلونه
پۀ اسمان کښې به روانې
هغه زاڼې قطارونه
پۀ بېلو کښې سرخابانو
چې به ونيؤل ناوُونه
پۀ ميره کښې چې به خراړو
راچېړل دَ زيل سُرونه
دَ طوطيانو،ښاروګانو
پۀ هر بڼ کښې اوازونه
دَ زرکانو ،طاؤسانو
هغه کړيکې او چړَ کونه
يا لۀ جاړو ترنګؤل چې
تاروګانو خپل تارونه
پۀ نارو به وُو تنزری
دَ مړز پِچ پړَ کونه
چې نغمې وې دَ بلبلو----------دَکوئل خواږۀ کُوکُونه
څنګه ډک وُو لۀ سروده-----------سحرونه،ماښامونه
ماته ياد شی اے وطنه----------هغه تېر زاړۀ وختونه
زما زړۀ باندې پراتۀ دی--------هغه ډېر خواږۀ يادونه
هغه دنګ او اوچت غرونه
تر اسمانه ئې سَرونه
پۀ لمن کښې ئې غوزان وُو
پۀ سرونو نخترونه
ګرځېدل ئې سردرو کښې
دَ زمريانو کنډکونه
دانګېدلې غرڅنۍ به
شړړېدل به ابشارونه
پۀ هوا شيکری،باښې وې
پۀ غوټو به وُو بازونه
خزندو او درندو نه
سوړې ډکې هم غارونه
دمه شپه کښې راؤښکل به
شرمخانو اوازونه
پړقېدۀ به اورَ کی-هم
دَ پېريانو لاټينونه
چې جهان پرې ښائېسته وو-----------دَفطرت بلا رانګونه
زما سترګو کښې ځَلېږی-----------دَ حيات واړه عکسونه
ماته ياد شی اے وطنه--------------همه تېر زاړۀ وختونه
زما زړۀ باندې پراتۀ دی------------هغه ډېر خواږۀ يادونه
هغه موج اماج دَ زمکو
دَ هرچا زميندارې وې
پرې اباد وُو ارټونه
دَ هرچا قلبې،جوړې وې
دَ اسانو او غويانو
جوړ زغلونه او مېلې وې
ښۀ چيکار چيکار کندوان وو
ښې پرېوانه به غلې وې
وو محدود ضرورتونه
پۀ توڼۍ کښې څو توښې وې
بې ضَرر دَ خاورو لوښی
کۀ دوڼۍ،کټوۍ،کاسې وې
يو توشک،يوه شړۍ وه
کڼاوې وې او پڼې وې
دَ ژوندون اوږې وې سپکې
ملازې وې نۀ نخرې وې
چې پۀ لو او پۀ غوبل به----------------لګېدلی اشرونه
دَ يو بل پۀ کار راتلۀ به------------وُو دا هسې عالمونه
ماته ياد شی اے وطنه------------همه تېر زاړۀ وختونه
زما زړۀ باندې پراتۀ دی----------هغه ډېر خواږۀ يادونه
هغه ډکه به حجره وه
سره ټول درانۀ پګونه
ښې درَنې درَنې کاټۍ وې
ښۀ دراز دراز قدونه
پۀ پټکو کښې شملې لکې
پۀ څنګ تورې،ټوپکونه
ګرځېدل به تاو برېتونه
دَ غَيرت او ننګ مړونه
پۀ جرګو هَوارَول ئې
ټول خندونه، جنجالونه
لاس پۀ نام ورته کسبيان وو
پۀ چکر ئې چېلمونه
ماسخوتن به دَ زلميانو
پۀ حجرو کښې محفلونه
دَ منګی هغه ټنګونه
پۀ رېلو ئې ربابونه
چې دَ خوند او دَ وقار وو------------ښکلی واړه ساعتونه
مينه مينه ورورولی وه--------------کشالې وې نۀ جنګونه
ماته ياد شی اے وطنه---------------همه تېر زاړۀ وختونه
زما زړۀ باندې پراتۀ دی------------هغه ډېر خواږۀ يادونه
Barbarism in Swat
Barbarism in Swat
By Khurshid Khan, Dawn, December 25, 2008
SWAT’S Sangota Public School was blown to smithereens on Oct 7, 2008 — a dark day in the history of the area.
This convent school was established in 1964 by Miangul Jahanzeb, popularly known as Wali sahib, the last ruler of Swat who not only donated land for the school but also provided generous financial aid for its construction and operations. It was renowned for its quality of education in the entire Malakand region.
This epitome of architectural perfection was situated in a beautiful and enchanting location on the left bank of the meandering and bounteous Swat river, spreading the light of education. Most of the teachers were Irish nuns who had devoted their lives to educating Swat’s children. They arrived in the bloom of their youth and returned in the autumn of their lives. They also educated the young girls in neighbouring villages and hamlets, without any thought of financial gains, teaching them the same courses as were being taught in the school in the morning.
A co-education system was in place until the 1990s but after the establishment of Excelsior College, the boys were shifted there and from then onwards only girls were admitted to this prestigious school. The school was closed on the DCO Swat’s orders because of the turbulence and volatile atmosphere in Swat much against the wishes of the students’ parents. The school administration decided to vacate the premises and as soon as it was vacated, it was razed to the ground by militants the next day, as was the premises of Excelsior College.
The first school in Swat was established in 1922 by Miangul Abdul Wadood. Both boys and girls were educated here until the primary level. It was not until 1926 when a separate school was established for girls. His successor Miangul Jehanzeb established a network of schools and colleges in the whole of Swat, Buner, Shanglapar and Indus-Kohistan which were then a part of the Swat state.
Education was not only encouraged but free. Scholarships were awarded and students were sent to western countries for higher education. Those who completed their education were given attractive employment. Thanks to these incentives, people swarmed to Swat for education. Students from Dir, Chitral, Malakand, Charsadda, Mardan, Swabi and other parts of the country turned to Swat for education.
After the merger of Swat state in 1969, several other schools and colleges in the public sector were opened, especially girls’ schools and colleges. Private schools also emerged. Gradually, Swat came to be regarded as a centre of learning by adjoining districts. But this evolution of education was strangulated by the militants in 2007 and 2008. Swat is now being pushed back to the pre-1922 period. Even then there were no militants who destroyed their own people.
Adjoining districts Shangla, Buner and Dir have suffered equally adverse effects. The people of these areas sent their children to Swat for education but now they are compelled to send their children to Peshawar, even to Punjab, where expenses are comparatively high.
Meanwhile, back to the Sangota Public School. The religious extremists and rival private schools generated negative propaganda against it but parents were not taken in by these rumours and continued to send their children to school there. They knew that not a single student had been converted to Christianity.
The people of the nearby villages looted the furniture, libraries, computers and other precious accessories of Sangota Public School and Excelsior College after their destruction declaring it war booty. The vandalism and looting continued all day. Security forces stationed in the overlooking mountains watched this humiliating process but still remained silent and unmoved. Eyewitnesses say that even if the forces had fired in the air, the looting would have stopped.
Taliban spokesperson Muslim Khan in a BBC interview alleged that the school had been following a co-educational system and was also preaching Christianity. Therefore, its signs had to be obliterated. But what about the scores of other schools where there was no linkage whatsoever with co-education or Christianity? Why were these demolished?
There may be two hidden motives, i.e. to discourage education and increase poverty in Swat. Ignorance and poverty breed extremism and this is actually happening in Swat. Unemployment is on the rise. People are drawn towards militancy because they are given a handsome remuneration for becoming one of the Taliban. State-of-the-art weapons, handsome salaries and the assurance of paradise in the hereafter are some of the temptations that lure the youth.
These young men are the major source of strength and power for militant leaders. Through them militants have succeeded in banishing the influential people of Swat and have compelled political leaders to kneel before them. Police do not dare to patrol the areas and the army is very cautious in its movements and operations here.
The barbaric Huns destroyed the Gandhara civilisation in the 5th century AD and burnt to ashes educational institutions including the university at Taxila. Today, all the laboriously constructed educational institutions are once again the victims of vandalism. Precious cultural antiquities are being destroyed. These barbaric activities are certainly the handiwork of a strange and peculiar mindset.
It is shocking and surprising that as schools and colleges in Swat are being levelled to the ground one after the other, the people do not protest and the government is averse to taking serious action. Parliamentarians are also silent spectators. Their tongues are tied and their hands fastened.
The process of Talibanisation is progressing in Swat. There are many simple-headed people there who either openly or secretly support the movement, all in ignorance and clearing the ground for it. The valley is fertile and all the ingredients of building and maintaining a civilisation are there in abundance. In spite of possessing all these valuable resources, if we still keep silent, then barbarism will certainly replace civilisation in the valley.
One hopes that the demolition of educational institutions, especially of girls’ schools, does not mean that the people of Swat will stop educating their children. After all, the wheel of time is not meant to reverse its direction; it must move forward.
By Khurshid Khan, Dawn, December 25, 2008
SWAT’S Sangota Public School was blown to smithereens on Oct 7, 2008 — a dark day in the history of the area.
This convent school was established in 1964 by Miangul Jahanzeb, popularly known as Wali sahib, the last ruler of Swat who not only donated land for the school but also provided generous financial aid for its construction and operations. It was renowned for its quality of education in the entire Malakand region.
This epitome of architectural perfection was situated in a beautiful and enchanting location on the left bank of the meandering and bounteous Swat river, spreading the light of education. Most of the teachers were Irish nuns who had devoted their lives to educating Swat’s children. They arrived in the bloom of their youth and returned in the autumn of their lives. They also educated the young girls in neighbouring villages and hamlets, without any thought of financial gains, teaching them the same courses as were being taught in the school in the morning.
A co-education system was in place until the 1990s but after the establishment of Excelsior College, the boys were shifted there and from then onwards only girls were admitted to this prestigious school. The school was closed on the DCO Swat’s orders because of the turbulence and volatile atmosphere in Swat much against the wishes of the students’ parents. The school administration decided to vacate the premises and as soon as it was vacated, it was razed to the ground by militants the next day, as was the premises of Excelsior College.
The first school in Swat was established in 1922 by Miangul Abdul Wadood. Both boys and girls were educated here until the primary level. It was not until 1926 when a separate school was established for girls. His successor Miangul Jehanzeb established a network of schools and colleges in the whole of Swat, Buner, Shanglapar and Indus-Kohistan which were then a part of the Swat state.
Education was not only encouraged but free. Scholarships were awarded and students were sent to western countries for higher education. Those who completed their education were given attractive employment. Thanks to these incentives, people swarmed to Swat for education. Students from Dir, Chitral, Malakand, Charsadda, Mardan, Swabi and other parts of the country turned to Swat for education.
After the merger of Swat state in 1969, several other schools and colleges in the public sector were opened, especially girls’ schools and colleges. Private schools also emerged. Gradually, Swat came to be regarded as a centre of learning by adjoining districts. But this evolution of education was strangulated by the militants in 2007 and 2008. Swat is now being pushed back to the pre-1922 period. Even then there were no militants who destroyed their own people.
Adjoining districts Shangla, Buner and Dir have suffered equally adverse effects. The people of these areas sent their children to Swat for education but now they are compelled to send their children to Peshawar, even to Punjab, where expenses are comparatively high.
Meanwhile, back to the Sangota Public School. The religious extremists and rival private schools generated negative propaganda against it but parents were not taken in by these rumours and continued to send their children to school there. They knew that not a single student had been converted to Christianity.
The people of the nearby villages looted the furniture, libraries, computers and other precious accessories of Sangota Public School and Excelsior College after their destruction declaring it war booty. The vandalism and looting continued all day. Security forces stationed in the overlooking mountains watched this humiliating process but still remained silent and unmoved. Eyewitnesses say that even if the forces had fired in the air, the looting would have stopped.
Taliban spokesperson Muslim Khan in a BBC interview alleged that the school had been following a co-educational system and was also preaching Christianity. Therefore, its signs had to be obliterated. But what about the scores of other schools where there was no linkage whatsoever with co-education or Christianity? Why were these demolished?
There may be two hidden motives, i.e. to discourage education and increase poverty in Swat. Ignorance and poverty breed extremism and this is actually happening in Swat. Unemployment is on the rise. People are drawn towards militancy because they are given a handsome remuneration for becoming one of the Taliban. State-of-the-art weapons, handsome salaries and the assurance of paradise in the hereafter are some of the temptations that lure the youth.
These young men are the major source of strength and power for militant leaders. Through them militants have succeeded in banishing the influential people of Swat and have compelled political leaders to kneel before them. Police do not dare to patrol the areas and the army is very cautious in its movements and operations here.
The barbaric Huns destroyed the Gandhara civilisation in the 5th century AD and burnt to ashes educational institutions including the university at Taxila. Today, all the laboriously constructed educational institutions are once again the victims of vandalism. Precious cultural antiquities are being destroyed. These barbaric activities are certainly the handiwork of a strange and peculiar mindset.
It is shocking and surprising that as schools and colleges in Swat are being levelled to the ground one after the other, the people do not protest and the government is averse to taking serious action. Parliamentarians are also silent spectators. Their tongues are tied and their hands fastened.
The process of Talibanisation is progressing in Swat. There are many simple-headed people there who either openly or secretly support the movement, all in ignorance and clearing the ground for it. The valley is fertile and all the ingredients of building and maintaining a civilisation are there in abundance. In spite of possessing all these valuable resources, if we still keep silent, then barbarism will certainly replace civilisation in the valley.
One hopes that the demolition of educational institutions, especially of girls’ schools, does not mean that the people of Swat will stop educating their children. After all, the wheel of time is not meant to reverse its direction; it must move forward.
Monday, December 22, 2008
Pakhtunkhwa vs Punjab
Pakhtunkhwa vs politicians!
M Waqar
The Frontier Post
Monday, December 22, 2008
I was shocked to read some news reports and statements of PML(N) leaders over the name Pakhtunkhwa and it seems like they are generating new issue of hate and divide in this province. Let's not make it a political issue. One should not politicize an issue for own interest.I see no reason for denying Pukhtoons the legitimate name of their province on the grounds that this will increase ethnic tension. On the contrary, if anything, it will defuse the existing tension. Let's not forget what happened to East Pakistan when West Pakistan denied them their right of Bengali language. The problem is Pakistani politicians never learn from history, these politicians need to understand that Pakistan's imposition of Urdu on East Pakistan was a mistake. It seems like some opportunist politicians of PML(N) in the province are trying to create political tension over Pakhtunkhwa. People in Pakhtunkhwa wants to be recognized as a nationality in their own right and for this they want their living place to be given their name Pakhtunkhwa. Why can Punjabis have Punjab, Sindhis Sindh, Baluchis Balochistan, but Pakhtuns can't have Pakhtoonkhwa? why Pakhtoon are being treated like occupied Palestine who will breakaway at the first chance.? and if do decide to break off, trust me with all its might, Pakistan can't prevent that. Pakistan couldn't beat Bengalis into submission and it can never force Pakhtuns into submission. Its stupid that some people who consider themselves super patriotic imply that Pakhtuns are any less patriotic than themselves. Let me remind those self-declared super Pakistanis that Punjab did not have any option except joining Pakistan. Punjab had to join Pakistan. But we Pakhtuns had a choice to join our brothers in Afghanistan, with whom we share not only our ancestry but our culture, our history, our tradition, and our language, but Pakhtuns decided to stay with Pakistan. How can someone from Punjab or Sindh or any other part of Pakistan give us a lecture on patriotism? I think these people are the one who needs a lesson in patriotism, because by suppressing minorities right and denying them their identity they are weakening Pakistan NOT Pakhtuns. Its tragic that Pakistani politicians did NOT learn any lesson from history. Bengalis were at the forefront in the struggle for Pakistan but when Pakistan suppressed them and denied them their rights and their identity what happened? We all know the end result. By calling Bengalis traitors because they demanded their rights they were converted into traitors. Alas we could learn from history because if we don't, history is doomed to repeat itself. Acceptance of history is a good sign, no wonder, but learning no lesson from it is unforgivable. Please someone help me to understand how renaming NWFP is gonna break Pakistan or divide people in this province? And please don't give me the crap about patriotism and Islamic unity. Whats wrong with Pakhtuns having their identity in Pakistan like Punjabis, Sindhis, and Balochis? It's the politicians who are making mess over the name not the people living in this province. Sindh, Punjab and Balochistan are border provinces too why they are not called, east-south, north-east or south-west provinces why these provinces are called with identity of race residing inside that territory? We are unanimous on one thing that people from this province are all pathan if all are not Pashtun. So please take back the British name and give us our own name. The usage of Pakhtunkhwa in Pakhto poetry dates back to the middle ages. The word is a combination of two words - that is Pakhtun and Khwa. Pakhtun or Pashtun is a noun while Khwa means side. Culturally there is no doubt that the land was called Pakhtunkhwa in Pushtu literature since 15th century .The word Pakhtunkhwa was also used in the modern poetry by contemporary poets like Qalandar Momand (1930-2003) long before it was suggested as the nomenclature for the NWFP. The name NWFP is certainly a misnomer today since it does not satisfy the aspirations of the people of the province. Three of the four provinces the Punjab, Sindh and Balochistan, got their own identity either through their environment or inhabitants. But the NWFP has been named neither after the historical and cultural background of the inhabitants nor derived its name from environment. Since the name (NWFP) does not reflect the true ethnic identity of its inhabitants, therefore a demand for its change is a logical consequence but unfortunately the matter has turned into a controversial issue again by so-called politicians. Those opposing the word Pakhtunkhwa argue that the name will not represent non Pashto speaking population of the province. The argument is unjustified and impractical. There is hardly any country in the world which does not have ethnic minorities. Even in Pakistan; Punjab, Sindh, and Balochistan have large number of people who do not speak the language their names ostensibly suggest. The 74 percent population of NWFP speaks Pashto as mother language in present day NWFP and the proportion will greatly increase when FATA will ultimately be merged in the province, choosing a proper name for the province is the fundamental right of its residents. It would help strengthen the federation besides removing the sense of deprivation among people of the smallest province of the country. It is time that politicians belonging to different factions of Muslim League too come out of their mindset and start objectively treating the demands the smaller provinces. It will help us build a stronger and more vibrant federation. Instead of debating again and again over this issue, politicians are wasting their time, they should either spend their time on development of this province or quit politics. There is no need to challenge the Pakhtunkhwa issue as it has been passed with overwhelming majority in the provincial assembly, members of this assembly should discuss how to solve the problems in this province. Renaming the NWFP to Pakhtunkhwa has a long political history in Pakistan. Pakhtuns and nationalist groups, which are passionate about naming their inhabited land after their identity as Pakhtuns, have been demanding change in the province's name for decades. But a number of political groups and opportunist politicians are not in favour of calling NW FP as Pakhtunkhwa and they are trying to divide people. These members of assembly should be discussing creating jobs, hiring police officers, opening new schools, colleges and universities, hospitals and providing clean water and electricity to their voters and keeping province safe, rid Province of violence and terror, generate productive employment for youth, provide education, healthcare, and bring progress to the doorstep of workers, farmers and small businesses, elimination of child labour etc . These are the issues for which people have elected these assembly members to solve.
M Waqar
The Frontier Post
Monday, December 22, 2008
I was shocked to read some news reports and statements of PML(N) leaders over the name Pakhtunkhwa and it seems like they are generating new issue of hate and divide in this province. Let's not make it a political issue. One should not politicize an issue for own interest.I see no reason for denying Pukhtoons the legitimate name of their province on the grounds that this will increase ethnic tension. On the contrary, if anything, it will defuse the existing tension. Let's not forget what happened to East Pakistan when West Pakistan denied them their right of Bengali language. The problem is Pakistani politicians never learn from history, these politicians need to understand that Pakistan's imposition of Urdu on East Pakistan was a mistake. It seems like some opportunist politicians of PML(N) in the province are trying to create political tension over Pakhtunkhwa. People in Pakhtunkhwa wants to be recognized as a nationality in their own right and for this they want their living place to be given their name Pakhtunkhwa. Why can Punjabis have Punjab, Sindhis Sindh, Baluchis Balochistan, but Pakhtuns can't have Pakhtoonkhwa? why Pakhtoon are being treated like occupied Palestine who will breakaway at the first chance.? and if do decide to break off, trust me with all its might, Pakistan can't prevent that. Pakistan couldn't beat Bengalis into submission and it can never force Pakhtuns into submission. Its stupid that some people who consider themselves super patriotic imply that Pakhtuns are any less patriotic than themselves. Let me remind those self-declared super Pakistanis that Punjab did not have any option except joining Pakistan. Punjab had to join Pakistan. But we Pakhtuns had a choice to join our brothers in Afghanistan, with whom we share not only our ancestry but our culture, our history, our tradition, and our language, but Pakhtuns decided to stay with Pakistan. How can someone from Punjab or Sindh or any other part of Pakistan give us a lecture on patriotism? I think these people are the one who needs a lesson in patriotism, because by suppressing minorities right and denying them their identity they are weakening Pakistan NOT Pakhtuns. Its tragic that Pakistani politicians did NOT learn any lesson from history. Bengalis were at the forefront in the struggle for Pakistan but when Pakistan suppressed them and denied them their rights and their identity what happened? We all know the end result. By calling Bengalis traitors because they demanded their rights they were converted into traitors. Alas we could learn from history because if we don't, history is doomed to repeat itself. Acceptance of history is a good sign, no wonder, but learning no lesson from it is unforgivable. Please someone help me to understand how renaming NWFP is gonna break Pakistan or divide people in this province? And please don't give me the crap about patriotism and Islamic unity. Whats wrong with Pakhtuns having their identity in Pakistan like Punjabis, Sindhis, and Balochis? It's the politicians who are making mess over the name not the people living in this province. Sindh, Punjab and Balochistan are border provinces too why they are not called, east-south, north-east or south-west provinces why these provinces are called with identity of race residing inside that territory? We are unanimous on one thing that people from this province are all pathan if all are not Pashtun. So please take back the British name and give us our own name. The usage of Pakhtunkhwa in Pakhto poetry dates back to the middle ages. The word is a combination of two words - that is Pakhtun and Khwa. Pakhtun or Pashtun is a noun while Khwa means side. Culturally there is no doubt that the land was called Pakhtunkhwa in Pushtu literature since 15th century .The word Pakhtunkhwa was also used in the modern poetry by contemporary poets like Qalandar Momand (1930-2003) long before it was suggested as the nomenclature for the NWFP. The name NWFP is certainly a misnomer today since it does not satisfy the aspirations of the people of the province. Three of the four provinces the Punjab, Sindh and Balochistan, got their own identity either through their environment or inhabitants. But the NWFP has been named neither after the historical and cultural background of the inhabitants nor derived its name from environment. Since the name (NWFP) does not reflect the true ethnic identity of its inhabitants, therefore a demand for its change is a logical consequence but unfortunately the matter has turned into a controversial issue again by so-called politicians. Those opposing the word Pakhtunkhwa argue that the name will not represent non Pashto speaking population of the province. The argument is unjustified and impractical. There is hardly any country in the world which does not have ethnic minorities. Even in Pakistan; Punjab, Sindh, and Balochistan have large number of people who do not speak the language their names ostensibly suggest. The 74 percent population of NWFP speaks Pashto as mother language in present day NWFP and the proportion will greatly increase when FATA will ultimately be merged in the province, choosing a proper name for the province is the fundamental right of its residents. It would help strengthen the federation besides removing the sense of deprivation among people of the smallest province of the country. It is time that politicians belonging to different factions of Muslim League too come out of their mindset and start objectively treating the demands the smaller provinces. It will help us build a stronger and more vibrant federation. Instead of debating again and again over this issue, politicians are wasting their time, they should either spend their time on development of this province or quit politics. There is no need to challenge the Pakhtunkhwa issue as it has been passed with overwhelming majority in the provincial assembly, members of this assembly should discuss how to solve the problems in this province. Renaming the NWFP to Pakhtunkhwa has a long political history in Pakistan. Pakhtuns and nationalist groups, which are passionate about naming their inhabited land after their identity as Pakhtuns, have been demanding change in the province's name for decades. But a number of political groups and opportunist politicians are not in favour of calling NW FP as Pakhtunkhwa and they are trying to divide people. These members of assembly should be discussing creating jobs, hiring police officers, opening new schools, colleges and universities, hospitals and providing clean water and electricity to their voters and keeping province safe, rid Province of violence and terror, generate productive employment for youth, provide education, healthcare, and bring progress to the doorstep of workers, farmers and small businesses, elimination of child labour etc . These are the issues for which people have elected these assembly members to solve.
Friday, December 12, 2008
Wednesday, October 15, 2008
In-camera briefing: ANP Ignored?
In-camera briefing: ANP Ignored?
In-camera briefing
The News, October 13, 2008
ANP not given enough time to put questions
By Rauf Klasra
ISLAMABAD: The Awami National Party (ANP) MPs attending the in-camera sessions of Parliament, were not allowed to put their well prepared questions to DG ISI General Ahmed Shuja Pasha about the explosive situation in the Fata and rest of the NWFP last week during the question-answer session.
Top political level sources have confirmed that earlier before dashing to London last Thursday after getting fresh threats to life, ANP leader Asfandyar Wali is said to have given a list of his own “unanswered questions” to MNAs and senators of his party to be asked from the military establishment during the in-camera briefing.
Sources said NA Speaker Dr Fehmida Mirza did not allow the members of ANP to ask questions as the briefing ended. There are 15 parliamentarians of ANP in the Senate and National Assembly and all of them were present in the house when it was opened for questions from the DG ISI.
Sources said names of five MPs were handed over to the speaker with the understanding that they would put questions to DG ISI during the question hour session. It was generally believed that MPs of the ANP would be given priority during the question hour so that they get maximum time and share of questions because of the fact their party was running the affairs of NWFP.
Sources said the ANP MPs were very keen to ask questions because it was being reported that the ANP leaders had expressed their serious reservations in the past that they were not being taken into confidence by the military establishment about the operation in tribal areas. Likewise, it was also reported that the level of mistrust between the security agencies and the provincial government had reached such an alarming point that the security agencies did not undertake an operation in Swat against the hideouts of Taliban leader Fazlullah when his exact location was pointed out by none other than the NWFP chief minister. After three days, Fazlullah’S men kidnapped Chinese engineers.
Sources said, earlier, during the closed-door meeting between the military establishment and political bigwigs like President Asif Zardari, PM Yousuf Raza Gilani and Nawaz Sharif, the pointed questions of Asfandyar from the top military brass were never answered, which further widened the gulf between the army and the ANP.
Against that background, now ANP leaders were prepared to ask all those unanswered questions during the in-camera briefing. But, much to their surprise, Speaker Dr Mirza did not give them enough time to ask questions. Only the parliamentary leader of ANP Senator Haji Adeel was told to ask just one question. Other five MPs never got a chance to put their questions.
Sources said Haji Adeel reportedly asked the DG ISI that he was at a loss to understand how could armed militants torch schools, burn the official buildings and kill the innocent people during the curfew hours. Haji Adeel asked as to why the army and police continued to sleep in the night when Taliban came and returned to their havens after carrying out terrorist activities in the settled areas.
Sources said concerned army officials gave a long explanation in response to this question to justify their action in the area.
But, afterwards, NA Speaker Dr Fehmida did not allow any other ANP MP to ask questions. Sources however said that PPP leaders got maximum time during question hour particularly Labour Minister Khursheed Shah who is said to have delivered a long speech in the house to show his presence, instead of asking a straight question. Likewise, MPs of PML-N also delivered long speeches on the floor of the house instead of asking questions which set a trend for other MPs which continued till the session ended.
This correspondent called upon Haji Adeel but he refused to talk on the subject saying that he was under oath from speaker NA not to make any comment or reveal any information to the media.
In-camera briefing
The News, October 13, 2008
ANP not given enough time to put questions
By Rauf Klasra
ISLAMABAD: The Awami National Party (ANP) MPs attending the in-camera sessions of Parliament, were not allowed to put their well prepared questions to DG ISI General Ahmed Shuja Pasha about the explosive situation in the Fata and rest of the NWFP last week during the question-answer session.
Top political level sources have confirmed that earlier before dashing to London last Thursday after getting fresh threats to life, ANP leader Asfandyar Wali is said to have given a list of his own “unanswered questions” to MNAs and senators of his party to be asked from the military establishment during the in-camera briefing.
Sources said NA Speaker Dr Fehmida Mirza did not allow the members of ANP to ask questions as the briefing ended. There are 15 parliamentarians of ANP in the Senate and National Assembly and all of them were present in the house when it was opened for questions from the DG ISI.
Sources said names of five MPs were handed over to the speaker with the understanding that they would put questions to DG ISI during the question hour session. It was generally believed that MPs of the ANP would be given priority during the question hour so that they get maximum time and share of questions because of the fact their party was running the affairs of NWFP.
Sources said the ANP MPs were very keen to ask questions because it was being reported that the ANP leaders had expressed their serious reservations in the past that they were not being taken into confidence by the military establishment about the operation in tribal areas. Likewise, it was also reported that the level of mistrust between the security agencies and the provincial government had reached such an alarming point that the security agencies did not undertake an operation in Swat against the hideouts of Taliban leader Fazlullah when his exact location was pointed out by none other than the NWFP chief minister. After three days, Fazlullah’S men kidnapped Chinese engineers.
Sources said, earlier, during the closed-door meeting between the military establishment and political bigwigs like President Asif Zardari, PM Yousuf Raza Gilani and Nawaz Sharif, the pointed questions of Asfandyar from the top military brass were never answered, which further widened the gulf between the army and the ANP.
Against that background, now ANP leaders were prepared to ask all those unanswered questions during the in-camera briefing. But, much to their surprise, Speaker Dr Mirza did not give them enough time to ask questions. Only the parliamentary leader of ANP Senator Haji Adeel was told to ask just one question. Other five MPs never got a chance to put their questions.
Sources said Haji Adeel reportedly asked the DG ISI that he was at a loss to understand how could armed militants torch schools, burn the official buildings and kill the innocent people during the curfew hours. Haji Adeel asked as to why the army and police continued to sleep in the night when Taliban came and returned to their havens after carrying out terrorist activities in the settled areas.
Sources said concerned army officials gave a long explanation in response to this question to justify their action in the area.
But, afterwards, NA Speaker Dr Fehmida did not allow any other ANP MP to ask questions. Sources however said that PPP leaders got maximum time during question hour particularly Labour Minister Khursheed Shah who is said to have delivered a long speech in the house to show his presence, instead of asking a straight question. Likewise, MPs of PML-N also delivered long speeches on the floor of the house instead of asking questions which set a trend for other MPs which continued till the session ended.
This correspondent called upon Haji Adeel but he refused to talk on the subject saying that he was under oath from speaker NA not to make any comment or reveal any information to the media.
Monday, September 29, 2008
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